The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extend consociationalism has been adopted in post-war, post-conflict countries that suffer from deep division within their societies. Despite criticisms on whether the mechanism is beneficial in less democratic societies, the tool is strongly recommended for divided multi-ethnic societies as an attempt to solve the tension between conflicted actors. The aim of this thesis is to explore what we can learn from the Somalian and Iraqi experience, both of which have adopted this mechanism. To be able to answer these questions our primary research question guiding this thesis is: How does power sharing exhibit the advantages that it is claimed to have for peaceful democratic post-conflict development in Iraq and Somalia? This thesis is hinged on two theories, Consociationalism theory and Path Dependency theory. An abductive method as structured focused comparison has been used. The data collection was done by purposive sampling method, using primary sources of data. Structured interviews were carried out with six key informants from Somalia and six from Iraq, representing a unique perspective of the clans and ethnicities in each country. To triangulate the data, secondary sources were conducted as empirical data. The study established that consociationalism as a power- sharing mechanism has increased identity conflicts, raised sectarian values in Iraq and empowered clannism in Somalia. The study also showed that consociationalism as a power-sharing tool has not been fully adopted in either of the two countries, rather a semi-consociationalism has been practiced. This has resulted into the exclusion of marginalized groups such as young people, women and minorities in both countries. The mechanism has led to the post-conflict elite perceiving themselves as heroes of the new system rather than finding a solution for common interest in post-conflict reconstruction. Furthermore, factors such as security gap, presence of extremist groups, corruption and external interventions have impacted the efforts of consolidating peace and development in Iraq and Somalia.

This thesis examines the political economy of national ownership in situations of aid-dependent and oil-dependent, with particular reference to the case of the reconstruction of the healthcare system in Timor-Leste. The study demonstrates that, in a range of areas, the FRETILIN government (2002-2007) was able to exercise some autonomous decision-making even though it was heavily aid dependent. Conversely, under CNRT government (2007-2017), elites were empowered by oil resources and consequently they had greater control over development. The study identifies three main approaches used in development policy-making: patronage-based, populist and rationalist, and argues that, from 2002 onwards, the Timorese government generally used patronage-based strategies that benefitted elite political networks, increasing corruption. However, the creation of a ‘modern’ healthcare system that would benefit future Timorese generations was central to elites’ political ideology and consequently healthcare became subject to populist rather than patronage-based politics. Analysis of four key health programmes, funded separately by the World Bank, the Cuban government, WHO, and USAID, shows that ownership in the field of healthcare has become concentrated among powerful groups (donors, elites, MoH, and the Church). Meanwhile, health professionals, who advocate a liberal approach, lack a political voice. These case studies indicate that the Paris Declaration’s focus on country ownership to ensure better aid delivery was unrealistic because, in reality, ‘ownership’ becomes subject to contestation among powerful actors with different power resources. Findings on the analysis of the four programmes also suggest that Timorese elites did not worry much about healthcare, rather than it being ‘central’ to their ideology. / Directorate General of Resources for Science, Technology and Higher Education, Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education of Indonesia

The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes. This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms. The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time. However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level. These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.

Liberal peacebuilding, the means by which transition societies can be reconfigured and reconstructed to bring about lasting peace, focussed on chieftaincy reform and decentralization as part of the peacebuilding package in Sierra Leone. The main focus of this research is to explore the efficacy of these structures as durable peacebuilding mechanisms in a transition society like Sierra Leone. The core argument is that liberal peacebuilding based on the reform of chieftaincy and decentralisation has failed to deliver effective peacebuilding mechanisms in Sierra Leone. Chieftaincy reform should have taken into consideration the specific context of the nature of chieftaincy in the country which in most cases transcends issues of leadership to one of collective identity. The decentralisation process is also fraught with a host of problems ranging from tension between the councils and the chiefs on the one hand, to the unwillingness on the part of central government to cede some of its powers to the local government. The control of central government over the councils and the decentralisation process is still very visible. The relevance of this research is that it enhances our understanding of key debates and policy intervention practices on post-war peacebuilding and state reconstruction in transition societies. It also contributes to the existing literature on post-conflict peacebuilding by positing that there is a huge challenge to the Liberal Peace paradigm in bringing about peace in war-torn societies. / Commonwealth Commission

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

The aim of this study is to develop an understanding of how peace education for children can work as part of a broader conflict transformation process in intractable and post-conflict societies. The study sets out to establish if and how theoretically researched knowledge combines with the actual practical work of peace educators and to note the contribution of peace education in the transformative approach.To assist in achieving my aims, I am applying a comparative evaluation method that allows for a comparison to be made between theory and practice. I have devised two case illustrations concerning specific organisations which can be evaluated with regard to their work with peace education. I have also conducted a thorough literature analysis which has enabled the study to incorporate appropriately selected theoretical approaches to be examined against the work of the practitioners.The research concludes with a discussion centred on my findings and the normative standpoint that I take: that peace education certainly plays a significant role in the overall conflict transformative process and that theoretical knowledge can and should be the basis of its practical work.Keywords: Peace education, conflict transformation, children, post-conflict, theory and practice

Over the past decade academics and policymakers have increasingly recognised the growing importance of diasporas. While diasporas have been variously defined, an important common element is continued identity with the ‘home’ country even when many years have been spent in the ‘host’ country (Lyons, 2004b: 3). Some may even not have visited their ‘home country’ but offer valuable political support. For example, even though many of the Jewish diaspora in the United States have never been to Israel, let alone been born there, they nevertheless mobilise support for the Jewish ‘homeland’ (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2006). For the academic community, diasporas thus offer a challenge to the traditional ‘inside/outside’ conception of social life whereby socio-political activities are defined as either purely ‘domestic’ or purely ‘international’ (Al-Ali and Koser, 2002). Diasporas are, at one and the same time, both and neither. As suggested by Shain (2002), diasporas form a distinct ‘third level’ between interstate and domestic politics — a type of transnational actor that is becoming increasingly important due to the globalisation of markets, politics and culture. How, through what mechanisms and with what impact diasporas express themselves as ‘transnational actors’, therefore, is currently a matter of intense research. While there is an expanding literature in this area, there has been less research on diasporas in the field of conflict and peace studies. Here research has tended to emphasise the role of diasporas as ‘peace-wreckers’, though work has emerged emphasising the role of diasporas as ‘peace-makers’ (Smith and Stares, 2007).