The thesis analyzes the effects of post-war reconstruction on Bosnian politics, economy and society by focusing on the privatization process. To this end, the strategies followed by local and international actors are examined critically within the context of the globally dominant neoliberal paradigm. This thesis argues that the privatization process has made the realization of the Dayton vision for Bosnian peace- and state-building difficult by strengthening nationalist-extremist local elites, contributing to the creation of pseudo-feudal structures at the local level, and helping accelerate ethnic homogenization on territorial basis. For the international actors, these have been considered to be acceptable risks as long as privatization of strategic sectors is kept insulated and the non-interrupted implementation of the neoliberal programme is ensured.

Numerous studies, books, and articles have been written on Britains retreat from its former empire in the 1960s. Journalists wrote about it at the time, many people who were involved wrote about it in the immediate years that followed, and historians have tried to put it all together. The issues of foreign policy at the strategic level and the military operations that took place in this period have been especially well covered. However, the question of military strategic alternatives in this important era of British foreign policy has been less studied. This dissertation discusses such high-profile projects as the TSR.2 and F.111, prospective VTOL aircraft and not least the CVA-01 fleet carrier, but most of all it focuses on the issue of military strategy. The rivalry between the Royal Navy and the Royal Air Force was largely about the questions of carrier aviation versus land-based air power – and which strategic option would best answer the British need to maintain influence as the garrisons were being scaled down. The Royal Navy argued for replacement fleet carriers for their mobile seaborne strategy, while the Royal Air Force argued that land-based air power would be as effective and far less costly. By using this underlying strategic debate as the framework for understanding more specific debates on aircraft, ships and weapon systems, this dissertation aims to bring new light to our understanding of the dramatic restructuring and altered priorities these two military services saw during the 1960s. The story may be divided into three broad periods: From 1960 until mid 1963, it was a conceptual debate on ‘Carrier Task Forces’ and a concrete alternative ‘Island Strategy’. This ended in July 1963 with a Cabinet decision in favour of new fleet carriers. However, the Royal Air Force and the Treasury kept fighting this decision. Their continued resistance, together with the new Labour Government with Denis Healey as Secretary of State for Defence, changed the decision of 1963. The highpoint of the debate on carrier aviation and land-based air power came during 1965-66, ending with the decision of February 1966 to cancel the CVA-01 and gradually phase out the existing carrier fleet. Denis Healey then used the arguments for land-based air power as a rationale for the decision. The dissertation rounds off with a discussion of the planned phase-out of the existing carrier fleet. However, the story saw a different end than planned, as new strategic challenges in home waters came about and the evolving VTOL Harrier aircraft and the ‘through-deck cruisers’ gave new possibilities. This is a historical study of the British debate about maritime air power and strategic alternatives in the 1960s. However, the detailed story and arguments used for and against both alternatives should clearly have relevance to any conceptual debates on carrier and land-based air power.

This thesis reconstructs and explains the arms relationship that successive U.S. administrations developed with the Shah of Iran between 1950 and 1979. This relationship has generally been neglected in the extant literature leading to a series of omissions and distortions in the historical record. By detailing how and why Iran transitioned from a low order military aid recipient in the 1950s to America’s primary military credit customer in the late 1960s and 1970s, this thesis provides a detailed and original contribution to the understanding of a key Cold War episode. By drawing on extensive declassified archival records, the investigation demonstrates the not only the importance of the arms relationship but also how it reflected, and contributed to, the wider evolution of U.S.-­‐ Iranian relations from a position of Iranian client state dependency to a situation where the U.S. became heavily leveraged to the Shah for protection of the Gulf and beyond -­‐ until the policy met its disastrous end in 1979 as an antithetical regime took power in Iran.

The purpose of this study was to explore the concept of human nature in the writing of the British author Graham Greene and the ways it is revealed in his works. Two novels by G. Greene were subjected to analysis – The Heart of the Matter (1948) and A Burnt-Out Case (1960). The research method chosen for the study was textual analysis. The research demonstrated that according to Greene, it is impossible to draw a clear line between good and evil. The characters that seem to be failures – in comparison with what they wished and hoped to do – are seen as being nearer to God than those more successful in worldly ways and in the end the greatest sinners turn out to be the truest believers. The research also demonstrated that to reveal his vision of the human nature, Greene applied paradox mixed with severe irony and social satire. Further studies must be conducted in order to go deeper into certain aspects of the human nature in other G. Greene’s fictional works. / Savo kūriniuose britų rašytojas G. Greene‘as nagrinėjo daugybę socialinių, filosofinių bei religinių klausimų, tokių kaip nuodemė, išganymas ir pasmerkimas, blogis ir jo kilmė, išdavystė, fizinė ir dvasinė kančia, vaikystės nekaltumo praradimas, ir t.t. Tačiau labiausiai Greene‘ą traukė paslaptinga žmogaus prigimtis, vis kitaip pasireiškianti įvairiausiose situacijose bei santykiuose. Jo turbūt svarbiausias klausimas – Kaip gali žmogus, gyvenantis netobulame pasaulyje, išlikti sąžiningas bei išsaugoti garbę? – apibrėžia pagrindinį šio tyrimo klausimą: kas, pagal Greene‘ą, yra žmogaus prigimtis? Kaip ji pasireiškia jo kūryboje? Klausimo suformulavimas leidžia apibrėžti tyrimo tikslą – ištirti žmogaus prigimties sąvoką G. Greene‘o kūryboje ir tai, kaip ji atsiskleidžia jo kūriniuose. Analizei buvo pasirinkti du G. Greene‘o kūriniai – „Būties esmė“ (1948) ir „Neišdildoma žymė“ (1960). Šie romanai buvo pasirinkti dėl jų brandumo bei gylaus žvilgsnio į žmogaus prigimties gelmes. Norint pasiekti užsibrėžtą tikslą buvo numatyta:  ištirti G. Greene‘o filosofinius ir estetinius požiūrius, taip pat pateikti periodo po Antrojo Pasaulinio karo bendro istorinio ir literatūrinio fono analizę ir nustatyti, kokios įtakos turėjo minėti elementai žmogaus prigimties sąvokos pasireiškimui pairinktuose kūriniuose;  pateikti pasirinktų romanų analizę;  atskleisti G. Greene‘o žmogaus prigimties sąvoką;  nustatyti, kokios stilistinės bei kontekstinės priemonės buvo naudojamos žmogaus... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This dissertation examines the representation of visual arts and artists in two popular Canadian magazines. It is based on case studies of the Montréal-based Le petit journal, a French-language magazine, and the Toronto-based English-language publication Star Weekly, from 1945 to 1968. Both were weekly magazines with large readerships and included content for the entire family. Neither was devoted to visual arts but both carried photographs and articles that engaged with broad issues in the field of visual arts. As such, they represent a cross-section of ideas and perspectives that is very different from those of daily newspapers or of publications explicitly devoted to the arts. In addition, both implicitly claimed a national perspective by including articles and information about different regions of Canada. In this way, although in reality the two publications constitute a central Canadian perspective, inflected in each case by the particularities of their provincial locations, they claimed a national vision. In contrast to existing research concerning art journals and art critics in Canada, my investigation involves the ownership and editorial direction of these two popular magazines. By analyzing the content of the magazines across more than two decades, I am able to identify shifts in outlook as they occurred and consider them in the context of the period. I have found that, although there were substantial differences between the two publications, the way that they participated in the construction of ideas was strikingly similar. In effect, both magazines projected specific notions of the value of artists and visual arts and used this coverage to shape attitudes—to work, gender, immigration, nationalism and a host of other topics. I argue that the presentation of ideas was rooted in both liberalism and anti-communism, and was informed by inherent self-interest on the part of the owners of the magazines. In addition, I argue that this perspective was largely hidden within a language of disinterested public service. Finally, I posit that representations in the popular press shaped opinions and attitudes to visual arts and artists in ways that continue to resonate today, more than forty years later. / Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-02 12:18:51.194

This thesis examines the role of the Northern Department of the British Foreign Office and its perception of, and attitude towards, the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1953. In these formative years after World War II many assumptions and policies were shaped that proved decisive for years to come. The Northern Department of the Foreign Office was at the centre of British dealings with the Soviet Union after 1945 in an atmosphere of cooling diplomatic relations between both camps. Keeping channels of communications open in order to exploit every opportunity for negotiation and the settlement of post-war issues, officials built up an extensive expertise of Soviet domestic and foreign policy. Their focus on all aspects of Soviet life accessible to them, for example, Soviet domestic and international propaganda, revealed in their view a significant emerging future threat to British interests in Europe and worldwide. This view provided the basis of the analysis of new information and the assessment of the best possible policy options for the British government. The Northern Department tried to exploit those traits of Soviet policy that could persuade the USA and Western Europe to follow British foreign policy initiatives vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the early Cold War while attempting to balance those weaknesses that could harm this effort. The focus of the Department often varied as a result of Soviet action. Some issues, like the Cominform were of momentary importance while other issues, like the Communist threat and the issue of Western European defence remained on the agenda for many years. A realistic approach to foreign policy allowed officials to exploit and counter-act those Soviet foreign policies seen as most threatening to Britain and those most likely to aid Britain’s recovery of her much desired world role. While the initial optimism after 1945 soon faded and consolidation on both sides was followed by confrontation, officials in London and the embassy in Moscow tried to maintain diplomatic relations to aid Western recovery efforts and support the new foreign policy doctrine of containment. When by the early 1950s entrenchment was speeding up in East and West, the Northern Department nevertheless utilised the available information to support British foreign policy worldwide as well as strengthen the domestic effort to explain the increasing international tension to the British people. Realism on the part of officials, and awareness of the information and options available to them meant that a Britain closely allied to the USA but one that continued to talk to the Kremlin was seen as the best way to achieve a continued world role for Britain and a safe Europe.

This essay focuses on gender roles, individualism and collectivism in Jack Kerouac’s classic road-trip novel On the Road. In order to put the discussion into a meaningful context, I look at the novel from a historical perspective and examine how it relates to post-war American society. I argue that the novel is, in many ways, representative of a society existing in a field of tension between individualism and collectivism, and that its notion of individual freedom, at the time revolutionary, can be seen as retrogressive with regard to the book’s portrayal and treatment of women. The essay features a discussion of what kind of individual freedom is presented in On the Road and how this freedom relates to typical American individualism as well as American post-war societal norms, the norm of the nuclear family in particular. This is followed by a brief analysis of how the novel influenced future generations, specifically in terms of sexual liberation. This analysis introduces a discussion of the way in which women are portrayed in the book and how this portrayal both represents collective progress in post- war America—women are often described as financially independent—and a phallocentric type of individualism. I then show that this individualism is connected to an unthinking optimism which, I argue, is one of the key causes of the retrogressive view of women exemplified by the book. My study ultimately demonstrates that the novel’s notion of individualism—an individualism which was highly influential for future generations and is usually viewed as progressive—can arguably be seen as retrogressive in terms of Kerouac's representation of gender roles.

The aim of this study is to examine the ideal of citizenship as presented in the Swedish Girl Scout movement 1945-1965. Through the examination of periodicals aimed at Girl Scout leaders, the study attempts to elucidate how the presented ideals shifted in the years leading up to, and following, the merger between the largest Swedish Girl Scout and Boy Scout associations in 1960.         As a theoretical background, the model of the Belgian scout researcher Sophie Wittemans is used, according to which citizenship in the scout movement contains both a universalistic tendency, emphasizing and geared towards creating citizens that are equal in an abstract sense, as well as particularizing instruments that aim to mold the singular individual. Wittemans claims that the Girl Scout movement has generally focused on the later aspect.      The concept of citizenship is found to be linked to duty rather than to the freedom of the individual, especially in the sphere of home life. In professional life the individual is afforded a greater measure of freedom. At the time of the merger in 1960, the idea of citizenship is to some extent gendered. The Girl Scout is to be prepared to take part in a society where feminine and masculine values are both needed. There is no consensus, however, on what the difference between the sexes consists of.       Neither sex, nor citizenship, seems to be the main focus of the training of Girl Scouts during the studied period. The cultural and societal tensions are contained by religion, universalizing tools like the scout law, and concepts such as ‘humanity’.       Through the study of a relatively scarcely researched area, this study attempts to shed light upon the Swedish Girl Scout movement in the post-war-era, as well as the larger shift in gender roles in Swedish society during the same period.

This thesis investigates UK-US relations with regard to the South Asian Crisis of 1971. Through a focus on an understudied point of disagreement within the relationship between Prime Minister Edward Heath and President Richard Nixon, the thesis sheds further light on Anglo-American relations in the early 1970s. Through analysis of archival documents on both sides of the Atlantic, this thesis contributes to the growing revisionist literature that has moved away from a focus upon Heath’s pro-Europeanism as the cause of problems in the Anglo-American relationship at the time. Rather, a more nuanced approach that also investigates the impact of the secretive foreign policymaking style of the Nixon White House is taken into account. The thesis reveals the issues in communication and differences of interests that, in December 1971, led the UK and US delegations at the UN Security Council to tacitly advocate for opposite sides of a hot war in South Asia. The thesis assesses the effect that these heated disagreements had upon the Anglo-American relationship going into 1972 and 1973.

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