The U.S. has enjoyed global hegemonic power for over 70 years and even more so after the fall of the Soviet Union. However, some political scientists argue that it is descending and the evidence lies in the increasing power of China. An imbalance of power in the international structure has the ability to result in different outcomes. The realist theory suggests that a conflict between the U.S. and China is unavoidable, the liberal theory suggests that the economic dependency between the two makes conflict less possible, while the constructivist theory suggests that the outcome depends on the reaction of the leaders and social change. This study asks what the reaction of the President of the U.S. is to the rise of China to find out the result of this hegemonic power imbalance. By using discourse analysis, this study has analyzed the remarks of President Trump from the period of January 2017 to November 2017 in search of his reaction to the rise of China. The results of this study show that President Trump divides the world in two parts making the U.S. the protagonist and the rest of the world, including China, the antagonist in his discourse as his reaction. Due to this reaction, Trump takes nationalistic and protectionist measures against China.

The theme of the work will focus on the first direct presidential elections in the Czech Republic in 2013 from the perspective of gender division of male and female candidates. The work will analyze the self-presentation of individual candidates and their presentation by the media. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the course of the campaign in terms of gender. It will also focus on selected media and map how they present male and female candidates also in terms of gender. The analysis will stem from public events and their representation by the media. I will analyze data collected during the campaign, performance in media and statements of the candidates, with special attention to the behavior and self- presentation of male and female candidates and to the media. The aim of the work is to give a coherent view, whether and how the candidates present their gender and how the media present them in terms of gender.

Diploma thesis seeks to analyze the introduction of the direct election of the President of the Czech Republic as a potential impulse towards semipresidentialism. For this purpose, the work defined theoretical concepts parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential forms of government. In addition to the anticipated research direct election, as an factor of strengthening the president's legitimacy among others, the work will include analysis of the effects of Miloš Zeman first year in office and its relation to other constitutional institutions. These assessments are important for overal outputs of this work because they can be a pointer to the objectives of the work. The work will also be mentioned tradition of Czech (Czechoslovak) presidency.

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President Bush’s Executive Order 13279 (December 12, 2002) encouraged the government to work with faith-based organizations to provide human services (i.e., Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, employment, homelessness services, and health care) to serve America’s low-income populations. Faith-Based Initiatives, and now President Obama’s Faith and Neighborhood Partnerships Initiative have created the foundation for further partnerships between faith-based organizations and local, state, and federal governments. Limited information exists regarding the overall effectiveness of the programs in encouraging churches, specifically African American churches, to engage in services delivery. This study explores the perceptions of church leaders that influence faith-based organizations, specifically African American churches in the southeast region of Washington, DC, to provide human services. The District of Columbia has eight local wards: southeast Washington encompasses Wards 7 and 8, and has a high concentration of poverty and African Americans. The District of Columbia Department of Human Services (2010) reports that in the year 2009, 97% of Ward 7 residents were African American with 26% residing in poverty; 94% of Ward 8 residents were African American with 35% residing in poverty. The work of early sociologists, W. E. B. Dubois and Franklin Frazier is utilized to frame the theoretical background (Ethnic Identity Model) for this study. Additionally, this study relies on an African American church analysis by Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) to highlight the historical and current role of the African American church. The purpose of this study was to examine the churches of southeast Washington, DC and the level of human services provided between 2000 and 2010, during both the Bush and Obama Administrations, to understand the perceptions of the factors that influenced the level of human services during the same time frame. The study utilized a qualitative design with descriptive statistics to shed light on human service delivery of faith-based organizations in the African American community. A semistructured interview was performed on a convenience sample of 20 pastors/church leaders of churches in southeast Washington, DC. These 20 churches were identified through the District of Columbia’s yellow pages and, additionally, other data sets including advocacy organizations and community groups. This study found that neither President’s Bush’s or Obama Faith Based Initiative significantly influenced the level of provision of human services by African American Churches located in Wards 7 and 8 of southeast Washington DC. Also this study found that the majority of African American churches in wards 7 & 8 in Washington DC are more flexible and able to determine the types of services they provide by the presenting community needs. The study results will inform policymakers about whether, and how, the churches’ role in service delivery changed after the implementation of President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiative. Presidents Bush and Obama view churches and community-based organizations as strong frontline resources to address desperate challenges related to poverty, but little is known about the effectiveness of their initiatives. The results of this analysis will assist churches, community organizations, and policy formulators in providing information that will help policymakers to make more informed decisions about the potential impact of churches for service delivery in the African American community. It will also provide information about barriers to participating as partners with the government.

In terms of government structure, the constitutional system of the Czech Republic is based on the principles of the parliamentary form of government. That means executive powers are vested in the Government (Council of Ministers), which is accountable to the Parliament through the vote of confidence. The Head of State as a pouvoir neutre plays usually a representative and integrating role in this system. On the contrary the President lacks the political accountability and the Parliament (or another voting body) does not have any direct way of holding him accountable for his action. Except for high treason he also cannot be prosecuted for his actions during his term. The Government therefore usually influences the exercise of his powers by countersigning his acts or decisions. Nevertheless, the role of the Czech President within the constitutional system is not only ceremonial; through his powers he can also actively participate in the adoption of political decisions. He can even exercise some of his expressly granted powers not subject to approval of the Government or any other constitutional body. But is such extent of powers compatible with the fact of his non-accountability? The public debate about these issues has been arising repeatedly since the adoption of the Czech Constitution without...

In 1974, President Ford began the arduous task of healing the wounds sustained by the United States during the Vietnam War. His controversial clemency plan gave those who had either deserted the military or those who evaded the draft the chance to earn their way back into American society. President Ford was willing to face this opposition to move the country closer to resolving an issue that was tearing the nation apart. In the applications to Ford’s Presidential Clemency Board, thousands of deserters and evaders reveal their motivations, and in doing so present a large body of evidence that contradicts the usual perception of the Vietnam “draft-dodger” and deserter. In the transition between the hardline anti-clemency position of President Nixon, and the full clemency position of President Carter, Ford took strong measures to achieve resolution, and the evidence herein could suggest a reappraisal of the Ford presidency.

Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny. The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.

A comparative content analysis was conducted to determine whether the Russian (ITAR-TASS) and the American (UPI) wire service coverage of President Boris Yeltsin in the April 25, 1993, referendum was balanced and unbiased. Also, the amount of space dedicated to this topic was measured. Study results indicate that ITAR-TASS was more critical of Yeltsin prior to the referendum than UPI, and that there was no statistically important difference between the two wire services in their post referendum coverage. UPI articles were almost 30% longer than the ITAR-TASS articles. Each UPI article was on an average more than 220 words longer than were the ITAR-TASS articles.

The Bush administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol can be explained by prospect theory. The change in federal climate policy between the Clinton and Bush administrations was due to the difference in domain that each president operated under. President Clinton operated under a domain of losses as he associated continued fossil fuel use with future socio-economic and environmental damages from climate change. This domain of losses increased President Clinton's risk tolerances and explains his pursuit of the Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, President Bush operated under a domain of gains where he did not connect fossil fuel use with future damages, rather with continued economic growth. President Bush's domain of gains reduced his risk tolerance and resulted in his pursuit of fossil fuel intensive economic development policies. This paper defines the domain that Presidents Clinton and Bush operated under regarding climate change, the independent variable of this analysis. A total of 26 speeches on climate change by these presidents were coded to explicate domain according to two categories of beliefs. The single most salient variable is the decision makers beliefs about the perceived robustness of the current state of scientific knowledge on climate change. The second most important aspect of these decision makers beliefs revolve around the role of fossil fuels in economic growth. Once domain has been defined through the cognitive maps and each decision makers corresponding risk tolerance explicated, the dependent variable of policy preferences are analyzed. Two policy options are analyzed; the business as usual (BAU) option associated with the status quo, as well as a climate protection policy that is reflective of the emissions reductions associated with US compliance with Kyoto. These two policy options are evaluated in three case studies; the economy wide costs of compliance with Kyoto targets for greenhouse gas emissions, the public health impacts of greenhouse gas reductions, and finally against a component of the Kyoto Protocol that allows for international trading of permits to emit greenhouse gases.