There is a stark regress in the development of international criminal justice, in particular the fight against impunity on the African continent. This study explores various legal aspects that have arisen between Africa and the International Criminal Court (ICC) since the indictment of President al-Bashir of Sudan by the Court. There is a presumption of conflict between some provisions of the Rome Statute, particularly Article 27 and Article 98. The indictment of President al-Bashir ICC has been the epitome of such a presumption. The African Union (AU) is among those opposed to the indictment of President al-Bashir and has requested the Security Council to defer the matter in accordance with Article 16 of the Rome Statute. The regional body has also refused to cooperate with the ICC in the arresting and surrendering of President al-Bashir to the Court on the basis of Article 98. Therefore, this study seeks to critically analyse the indictment of President al-Bashir by the ICC and the AU’s response to the same. The study further explores the legal validity of a deferral by the UN Security Council and the challenges it would will raise. The study also attempts to reconcile article 27 and article 98 of the Rome Statute in the context of President al Bashir’s indictment. In doing so, the study endeavours to weigh the legal elements in both of the arguments offered in support and against the action taken by the ICC. The reason for such a discussion is to investigate the nature of the jurisdiction the Court has upon President al-Bashir by virtue of UN Security Council Resolution 1593(2005), which referred the al Bashir case to the court. The discussion also investigates the nature of the legal obligations on members of the international community including Sudan, to cooperate with the ICC by arresting and surrendering President al-Bashir to the Court. In an effort to garner support for the ICC’s indictment of President al-Bashir, the study also looks at the operation of the principle of complementarity under the Rome Statute and various principles of International Criminal Law that affirm the ICC’s jurisdiction over the situation in Darfur and those principles that speak to the presumed liability of President al-Bashir. Although this study acknowledges the apparent competing demands of justice and peace, it challenges arguments that promote impunity and makes the case for addressing the AU’s concerns relating to the ICC. More importantly, the study suggests that the UN Security Council and the ICC should be consistent and in condemning atrocities wherever they are committed and should be impartial in referring perpetrators of atrocities to the ICC irrespective of their political status. In so doing a clear message may be sent to individuals like President al-Bashir that commission of atrocities will invite international accountability. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Public Law / unrestricted

The controversial performance of the Czech head of state - Miloš Zeman, during his first term in the office, offers reflection on whether the Czech president should or should not be politically responsible for his actions. The absence of mechanisms, by which could be the acting president recalled from his office allows Czech head of state to straighten out the scope of constitutional powers attributed to the head of the state with no real consequences. The master thesis will attempt to present the mechanisms and circumstances that led to the withdrawal of presidents (or governor) of selected countries - specifically Lithuania, Romania and California. The aim of the thesis will be to assess the circumstances in which it would be appropriate to introduce similar mechanisms designated for withdrawing directly elected Czech head of the state from its office, and to analyze the tools for the dismissal of presidents, which have already been used in practice.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the variety and level of wellness practices of community college presidents and the relationship of these practices to the stress levels of this group. Additionally, relaxation activities and the feelings, characteristics, and symptoms associated with stress were considered. Items measuring each of these variables, isolated from the literature and tested in a pilot sample, were combined into an electronic instrument, Stress Levels and Wellness Practices Measurement for Community College Presidents. The design of the study was ex post facto/correlational. The population of the study was American community college presidents. A stratified random sampling of these presidents was drawn from three distinct locales: 240 urban, 147 suburban, and 199 rural community colleges. The electronic instrument was distributed to 587 presidents through email. There were 296 (50.4%) usable returns. For the variables of interest, descriptive statistics were computed including frequencies and measures of central tendency. Correlation coefficients were used to determine relationships between variables. ANOVA and t-tests were used to identify differences in group means. Significant positive associations were found between the management of stress and the balance of wellness practices for community college presidents. A significant difference in stress levels regarding gender and years of presidential tenure were found: female presidents were more stressed than their male counterparts, and presidents with more experience (years' presidential tenure) were less stressed. No difference was found in the stress levels of presidents by locale (urban, suburban, and rural). Furthermore, it was determined there was a significant negative correlation between the balance in wellness practices and stress symptoms. Engagement in the physical practices of wellness was related to a reduction of stress levels. Overall, it was concluded that while presidents showed significant control in stressful events and issues, continued efforts are needed to promote wellness practices into their busy lives.

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The aim of this work is to critically look at how the female presidential candidates in 2013 were reflected in the Czech press and assess whether that somehow differed from the way the male candidates were presented. Presidential elections were a milestone in the history of the Czech Republic, when the head of state was elected directly by the citizens. We pose a question whether this election was also "direct" and equal in the reflection of the media, or underlined gender stereotypes. The axis of the work is the display of gender in the media, especially in relation to women in high-ranking positions in politics or female politicians aspiring for them. This reflection is viewed through the lens of feminist media criticism. The theoretical part is complemented by an introduction to political communication, Czech and international studies and the current situation of women in Czech politics. Then I will present the paper's methodology. In the analytical part, by using quantitative content analysis I will focus on the presentation of female and male candidates in five Czech newspapers. There will also be a qualitative analysis of selected articles interesting from a gender perspective. Key words Female president, president, elections, gender, gender stereotypes, feminism, media, media reflection

Abstract Title:     Irakkriget 030320 – en komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering. (Iraq war 030320 – a Comparative Study of Swedish and American Newsreport)   Author:     Catherine Lundahl   Tutor:     Christian Christensen   Course:     Media and Communication C – Bachelor Thesis   University:     Uppsala Universitet   Keywords:     Iraq war, framing, war journalism, propaganda, Swedish press, American press, democracy, totalitarianism, president Bush, president Hussein, the UN, victims.     Aim The purpose with this essay is to compare the Swedish and American press during the 2003 Iraq war newsreport. Focus is put on the framework of news each country presents. Material/Methodology The essay represent a selection of articles during the week before the invasion 030313-030320 which delimited to a material of 20 newsarticles from each country. The essay represent a methodology based on the critical discourse analysis. Theoretical perspectives The essay leans on the theory of framing which is a common and well suitable theory for war journalism. The theory’s purpose has delimited to focus on the frameworks of the newsreport and not the frames affect of the public opinion. Conclusion The essay reveals both differences and similarities between the Swedish and American news frames. The most articulated similarity between the countries articles were the “evil” framing of president Saddam Hussein as well as the framing of the opposite relationship between democracy and totalitarianism. Indicators of propaganda reflected the most articulated differences between each country where the Swedish press neglected this kind of news framing. Other articulated differences reflected framing of president Bush as well as the civil Iraqi people as victims.

In this comparative policy development analysis, I utilize path-dependence theory and presidential records to analyze President Lyndon Johnson's success in passing Medicare and Medicaid and President Bill Clinton's failure to pass national health care reform. Findings support four major themes from the Johnson administration: 1) President Johnson had a keen understanding of the importance of language in framing debate; 2) He placed control of the legislative process in the hands of a small, select group of seasoned political operatives and career policymaking professionals; 3) He paid considerable attention to the details of negotiations and the policy consequences; and 4) He had a highly developed sense of the political and legislative processes involved in passing major legislation. The case study of the Clinton administration reveals five major themes: 1) There is a lack of evidence that President Clinton remained actively engaged throughout the policy development and legislative processes, instead choosing to delegate the process to the First Lady; 2) There was a naiveté on the part of the Clintons and many administration staff members with regard to the legal and political ramifications of their decisions; 3) The Clintons tried to make the plan fully their own, sharing little credit for its development with Congress; 4) Their attempts to incorporate existing corporate health care delivery structures with their vision for universal coverage proved unworkable; and 5) The extended time from task force launch to bill delivery gave opponents ample time to marshal their opposition forces. I conclude that in developing health care legislation, Johnson had the advantages of: 1) a small group of key policymakers; 2) multiple, simultaneous legislative initiatives which diffused the attention of a more limited media; and, 3) national crises which promoted an environment conducive to sweeping policy change. I suggest that major, national health care reform will not occur until: 1) an economic or geopolitical crisis sets the stage for change; 2) business interests and progressive interests find common ground; and, 3) Americans achieve a new cultural understanding of universal health care as both economically just and economically necessary. / text