The movement Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos; a transnational social movement uniting Central American mothers from Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua whose children have disappeared in Mexico while migrating to the US, is part of a Latin American tradition where a mother-centered kinship system is at the center. The movement has managed to reunite more than 300 families. The concept of motherhood is important in forming the identity of this particular movement, when making their voices heard in the public sphere to find their disappeared children, fight for migrants rights and for social change. In what ways does the concept of motherhood influence the Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos’s struggle and communication for social change? How does the movement’s use of motherhood as a primary identity marker contribute to or hinder the movement's struggle for human rights and development?  To explore these questions we have collected data primarily through semi-structured interviews with members of the movement. We have also included other material such as recorded meetings, articles and videos for the contextual data in our content analysis. Our theoretical framework spans from more general theories on social movements and transnational movements to post-colonial theories on feminism and development, especially the Women Culture Development Approach (Bhavnani et al. 2016). Theories that concern cultural trauma and collective identity are also included since these are of specific relevance to the particular social movement of our case study.  We found that besides spreading awareness on the widespread issues of migration and enforced disappearances, the movement is contributing to both gender autonomy and empowerment for the mothers of the Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos. In the process of joining the movement many women undergo a journey from being a victim in mourning to becoming a social activist who encourages the engagement of even more women in social change initiatives. This in turn has long lasting effects on social change in their home countries. Unfortunately, we found that since their male spouses often are not part of this process, when returning home many mothers experience a backlash in terms of gender equality.

Studiens syfte är att finna en förståelse kring vilka sociala faktorer som producerar ett normativt beteende gällande ansvarsfördelningen runt barnen efter en separation. Undersökningen grundar sig därför i följande frågeställningar: Hur ser normen kring ansvarsfördelningen av ett barn ut efter en separation och hur upplevs denna ansvarsfördelning. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ metod som i sin utformning skall generera en större förståelse för våra frågeställningar. Vi har gjort fyra enskilda interjuver med två separerade par som har delad vårdnad över sina barn. Vår teoretiska utgångspunkt utgår ifrån socialkonstruktivismen.Den behandlar och beskriver hur kvinnliga och manliga beteende mönstren reproducerasvid interaktion individer emellan. Även teorin som förklara männens dominans i dagens samhälle (patriarkatet)samt den könade arbetsfördelningen inom den privata och offentliga sfären (liberala feministiska perspektiv) finns att ta del av. Vi har funnitett dialektisktförhållande mellan traditionella könsmönster, reproducering utav dessa, den könade arbetsfördelningen samt relationen mellan barn och deras föräldrar innan separationär faktorer som påverkar normen kring hur ansvarsfördelningen av ett barn efter en separation ser ut och upplevs. / The aim of this study is to determine which social factors create the dominating pattern in the delegation of responsibility of a child after a separation. The study is therefore based on the following enquiry: What is the norm during separation concerning the delegation of responsibility for a child between parents and how is this division of responsibility perceived.  This study is based on a qualitative method through which a greater understanding of these enquiries will be met. We have done four separate interviews with two sets of already separated partners who havejoined custody over their children. Our theory is based on social constructivism and discusses how current female, respective male behavioural patterns are reproduced between individuals. In addition, the theory which explains male dominance in present society (patriarchate) together with gender based division of labour within private and public spheres (the liberal feministic perspective) are both presented. We have discovered a dialectical relationship between traditional gender roles, theirreproduction ofthese,the gender based division of labour and even the relationship between children and their parents are all factors that contribute towards the determination of assigning responsibility of a child during separation and how it is perceived.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Inserida no contexto dos estudos sociológicos acerca das esferas pública e privada na composição das relações sociais, esta dissertação analisa a imbricação entre estas esferas na construção histórica das relações sociais brasileiras e na composição da cultura política que as rege, objetivando identificar seus impactos e expressões atuais nas políticas sociais, com enfoque na política de assistência social. Com fundamentação em referencial teórico-metodológico marxista, foram utilizadas categorias gramscianas para estudo e conceituação daquelas esferas. Como campo empírico de pesquisa no âmbito da política de assistência social foi eleito o programa Cheque Cidadão implementado pelo Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o no ano de 1999, adotando-se como conjunto instrumental entrevistas, análise documental, e observação em campo. As análises de dados e as considerações finais apontam que a recorrente execução de políticas públicas de assistência através de entidades religiosas, ainda que num Estado considerado laico, permite a criação de relações fundadas a partir de identidades privadas entre os indivíduos sociais e seus governantes, viabilizando privilégios não necessariamente formais, mas sobretudo reais no acesso a políticas sociais de natureza pública, constitutivas de direito, deturpando-as e adubando assim nosso vasto solo de cultura política patriarcal, personalista, de supressão do público pelo privado e mercantil, onde se fundaram nossas raízes. / This dissertation analyzes how the public and the private spheres imbricate to build Brazilian social relations and the political culture that serves them as guideline. The study integrates sociological research concerning how social relations originate, aiming at identifying the impacts and influences that the aforementioned relations bring to current social policies, focusing on social assistance policies. The theoretical and methodological approach was based on Marxist literature, and categories taken from Gramsci works were used to study and conceptualize the public and private spheres. Empirical research referred to the program cheque cidadão, which has been implemented by Rio de Janeiro state government since 1999. Interviews, documentation and field work constituted the instruments used. Data analysis and final observations indicate that the fact that religious entities are in charge of accomplishing social assistance policies within a lay state gives way to relations that are based on private, rather public, identities between individuals and their rulers, which makes possible the existence of privileges _ real, if not formalized _ regarding access to social policies. These are meant to be lawful and of public nature policies. Therefore, the process described above distort them and feed the Brazilian political culture, deeply rooted in patriarchalism and personalism, that favors private relations in detriment of the public matters.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Inserida no contexto dos estudos sociológicos acerca das esferas pública e privada na composição das relações sociais, esta dissertação analisa a imbricação entre estas esferas na construção histórica das relações sociais brasileiras e na composição da cultura política que as rege, objetivando identificar seus impactos e expressões atuais nas políticas sociais, com enfoque na política de assistência social. Com fundamentação em referencial teórico-metodológico marxista, foram utilizadas categorias gramscianas para estudo e conceituação daquelas esferas. Como campo empírico de pesquisa no âmbito da política de assistência social foi eleito o programa Cheque Cidadão implementado pelo Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o no ano de 1999, adotando-se como conjunto instrumental entrevistas, análise documental, e observação em campo. As análises de dados e as considerações finais apontam que a recorrente execução de políticas públicas de assistência através de entidades religiosas, ainda que num Estado considerado laico, permite a criação de relações fundadas a partir de identidades privadas entre os indivíduos sociais e seus governantes, viabilizando privilégios não necessariamente formais, mas sobretudo reais no acesso a políticas sociais de natureza pública, constitutivas de direito, deturpando-as e adubando assim nosso vasto solo de cultura política patriarcal, personalista, de supressão do público pelo privado e mercantil, onde se fundaram nossas raízes. / This dissertation analyzes how the public and the private spheres imbricate to build Brazilian social relations and the political culture that serves them as guideline. The study integrates sociological research concerning how social relations originate, aiming at identifying the impacts and influences that the aforementioned relations bring to current social policies, focusing on social assistance policies. The theoretical and methodological approach was based on Marxist literature, and categories taken from Gramsci works were used to study and conceptualize the public and private spheres. Empirical research referred to the program cheque cidadão, which has been implemented by Rio de Janeiro state government since 1999. Interviews, documentation and field work constituted the instruments used. Data analysis and final observations indicate that the fact that religious entities are in charge of accomplishing social assistance policies within a lay state gives way to relations that are based on private, rather public, identities between individuals and their rulers, which makes possible the existence of privileges _ real, if not formalized _ regarding access to social policies. These are meant to be lawful and of public nature policies. Therefore, the process described above distort them and feed the Brazilian political culture, deeply rooted in patriarchalism and personalism, that favors private relations in detriment of the public matters.