Jowett and O'Donnell observe that 'there is a clear revival of interest in the important role of propaganda in many aspects of modern life, not necessarily related to international intrigue or military campaigns' (1992, p. xi). This thesis has examined the 1991 Census communication campaign (ABS 1991a) for evidence of propaganda intentions and strategies. Propaganda is clearly a pejorative term and its application to a particular campaign could imply a covert attempt at manipulation by the authority behind the campaign�the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). As the author was responsible for the development, implementation and evaluation of the 1991 Census communication campaign and had privileged access to a range of sources, a reader might expect detailed references to internal files which reveal conscious decision-making to mount a propaganda campaign. This is not the case. An analysis of the 150 working files associated with the campaign revealed no support for such a hypothesis; there was no evidence of decision-making with the intent of implementing propaganda strategies. Similarly, during interviews with senior ABS managers, these managers categorically rejected the notion that the Bureau conducted a propaganda campaign and pointed to the fact that all procedures were cleared through both the Federal Parliament and the Privacy Commissioner. The hypothesis explored by this thesis is that despite this lack of conscious direction, propaganda processes are evident in the way the ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The perspective of the thesis is closely aligned to that of Altheide and Johnson who locate propaganda as the bridge between 'organisational image and reality' (1980, p. 4). Altheide and Johnson regard propaganda as an insidious phenomena based on impression-management through the 'rigorous pursuit of scientifically valid procedures and standards' (1980, p. 229). The end result of this impression-management is that certain 'facts' are presented to the exclusion of all others. This thesis argues that impression-management strategies are evident in the way the ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The processes of impression-management are subtle and do not reside in such sources as internal files. The process operates through the internalised ethos and corporate values inculcated in the minds of senior staff within the Bureau and is best conceptualised as a mindset, reflected in outcomes. I have used the term mindset to cover the process of converting abstract values into specific guides for action�fora discussion of this process see Hall (1977, pp. 69 - 83). This mindset is well-illustrated by the issue of compulsion�the obligation to complete a census form. At one level the ABS procedures are impeccable: cleared through the federal parliament and the Privacy Commissioner�and it is this form of discourse that is documented in internal files. The procedures do not, however, enable respondents to make an informed decision about whether the census is compulsory and about the ramifications for non-compliance. The mindset operating here is based on the value of the census to the ABS�the census is good for the ABS�it generates revenue and legitimises the role of the organisation. The thesis presents data which establishes that there is a significant gap between the organisational image of the census (in the corporate mind of the ABS) and that perceived by householders. The mindset of the ABS is clearly evident in the procedures adopted on this issue. The main finding of this thesis is that many of the processes underlying the development of the 1991 Census communication campaign were subtle environmental influences. These reflected the internal dynamics of the ABS, and its ability as an institution to control the communication environment through addressing the needs of other major organisations, such as the media, and the release of selective information to specific target audiences. In this context, institutional dynamics, more than decisions by individual managers, influenced the conduct of the campaign. The process of propaganda, therefore, is implicit in the 1991 Census rather than explicit�a distinction, in terms of process, drawn by Pearlin and Rosenberg (1954) in their examination of propaganda techniques in institutional advertising. It should also be acknowledged that whilst the author did have privileged access to information, there is no information contained in this thesis that would not be publicly available. The majority of primary sources are reports published by the ABS or papers delivered by Bureau staff at a range of fora. Permission was sought from the ABS for assistance in obtaining access to information and this was readily granted.

This thesis employs a social constructionist perspective to analyze constructions of the International Criminal Court (ICC), specifically (1) the notion of impunity; (2) the presence of a critical analysis; and (3) the connection between state support/opposition and favourable/negative portrayals of the Court. The theory chapter focuses on the propaganda model’s main premise that “media serve the interests of that state … framing their reporting and analysis in a manner supportive of established privilege and limiting debate accordingly” (Herman & Chomsky, 1998, p.32). A thematic qualitative content analysis and several tools of grounded theory deconstructed 1,982 articles collected from The Globe and Mail, The Toronto Star, The New York Times, and The Washington Post. Overall, the newspapers contained a high level of support for the propaganda model’s main assertions. Some of these conversations were quite limited and/or biased; specifically, American newspapers manipulated debates to justify American opposition to the Court.

The Parliamentary election in Russia held in December, 2011 caused vote fraud scandal and resulted in a wide-scale protest movement which spread all over the country. The Western media repeatedly compared political situation in Russia to ‘Arab spring’. Russian media, in their turn, got divided in two opposite camps regarding their reporting on the issue. This study examines news coverage of the political conflict in two Russian media outlets and interprets the findings within the framework of propaganda. The analysis incorporates two main levels: institutional and textual. In-depth interviews with the journalists were conducted in order to establish what internal and external factors, such as censorship or state control, shaped news reporting and promoted ideological bias. The comparative analysis of news coverage involved two media outlets Russia Today and Radio Liberty, which adhere to different ideological perspectives. The results show that both media represented contrasting versions of the situation and used information selectively in order to pursue certain goals. Nevertheless, the analysis allows to conclude that Russia Today explicitly supported the views of the Russian authorities and oppressed undesirable facts and opinions. Its news policy also evokes an idea of cold war, as it repeatedly appeals to the image of external enemy – the USA. Radio Liberty, in contrast, provided various opportunities to the discontent part of the Russian society to speak out, which can be considered as an attempt to represent the other side of the story, as it was excluded from the news agenda of the state owned media. However, news policy of Radio Liberty also implied certain propagandistic objectives. The study confirms the assumption that propaganda arguably exists within any political doctrine, but can take explicit and implicit forms which are difficult to detect without thorough scrutiny of overall news reportage of certain media. Further research should look at the role of social media in a series of political scandals and protest movement awakening in Russia, as many media experts link the political situation with emergence of new means of communication. It could also compare news representation of the current political conflict in several Russian domestic independent media to detect distinctions and similarities and try to evaluate what kind of an ideology they communicated to the audience.

This study is a response to the growing demand for more critical examinations of the video game as a communicative as well as interactive medium of mass culture. It reflects the game in regard to its potentials and abilities conveying a message to its audience and sets it into a broader discourse of mass communication. The analysis focuses on opinion forming games and their agendas whilst scrutinizing the methods through which certain messages are delivered to the player. The study is primarily based on qualitative research and analyzes the mechanisms of manipulation through examples with an emphasis on the mechanics and rules of the game, its visual aesthetics, its narrative structure and the emotional dimensions of the gameplay. The analysis illustrates that games are effectively used to render the image of war and to frame the enemy in a stereotypical manner in order to match certain political interests. They also function as a recruitment tool for the military as well as for political and ethnic fractions. In addition the study demonstrates the positive potentials of the medium by referring to serious games which offer complex perspectives and profound knowledge about certain topics and encourage the player to aim for creative and constructive solutions in order to finish the game successfully. The results of the study demonstrate that video games can no longer be categorized as a subculture of entertainment for young men. With the growing acceptance of the medium as a part of mass culture its influence especially on young people had been taken into account by certain groups which made use of the video game to convey their messages to an audience. The analysis shows the inner complexity of the medium and gives examples for attempts to use its potentials by concluding that these efforts are far from being utilized fully. In this regard the study offers impulses for further research which should fill the void and explore the possibilities games provide and how we can make good use of them.

The Spanish Civil War is typically presented as a military narrative of the ideological battle between socialism and fascism, foreshadowing World War II. Yet the Spanish war continued trends begun during World War I, notably the use of propaganda posters and the movement of women into visible roles within the public sphere. Employing cultural studies methods to read propaganda poster art from the Spanish war as texts, this thesis analyzes the ways in which this persuasive medium represented extremes of gender discourse within the context of letters, memoirs, and other experiential accounts. This thesis analyzes symbols present in propaganda art and considers how their meanings interacted with the changing gendered identities of Republic and nation. Even within the relatively egalitarian Republic, political factions constructed conflicting representations of femininity in propaganda art, and women’s accounts indicate that despite ideological differences, both sides still shared a patriarchal worldview.

This thesis analyzes the official propaganda campaign carried out under the rule of President Saparmurat (Niyazov) Turkmenbashi in Turkmenistan. Following a brief overview of the historical evolution of the state, society and culture in Turkmenistan to provide a better understanding of the social and historical context in which propaganda was pursued / the main objectives and themes of the propaganda campaign are discussed. Besides other means of propaganda, Rukhnama, the spirit-book of Turkmen written by Turkmenbashi, and women are examined in greater detail as case studies of basic means of propaganda. The thesis finally discusses the outcomes of the propaganda campaign together with a glance at the changes and continuities displayed in policies of Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, the successor of Turkmenbashi.

Inaug.-Diss.--Bonn. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 270-283.

Bachelor thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Den allmänna värnplikten avskaffades i Sverige den 1 juli år 2010. Detta efter ett riksdagsbeslut från året innan, den 16 juni 2009. Från och med denna tidpunkt övergick Försvarsmakten direkt från att vara ett värnpliktsförsvar till att bli, i fredstid, en utpräglad yrkesarmé. Som en effekt utav denna indragning av Försvarsmaktens kontinuerliga tillförsel av personal måste Försvarsmakten nu rekrytera nödvändig arbetskraft på annat sätt via den öppna arbetsmarknaden. Sedan år 2010 fram till 2013, vid värnpliktens avskaffande, har Försvarsmakten satsat 350 miljoner kronor på marknadsföring. Bara under år 2013 var marknadsföringsbudgeten 90 miljoner kronor. Detta kan jämföras med samma budget 2009, ett år innan avskaffandet av värnplikten, som då låg på blygsamma 19 miljoner kronor.             Studiens syfte är att undersöka vad Försvarsmakten väljer att kommunicera i sina rekryteringskampanjers printannonser med bakgrund i dess egna utsatta mål och vision. Studien ska även undersöka på vilket sätt, och med vilka metoder, Försvarsmakten väljer att kommunicera dessa budskap. I studien behandlas material från fem olika kampanjer som varit aktiva mellan åren 2011 till 2013 där en medveten avgränsning har gjorts till att bara analysera kampanjernas printannonser. Detta då print innehar egenskapen av att övertalning bara kan ske via bilden, synen. I och med avsaknaden av till exempel rörelse, ljud och lukt, som är tre oerhört starka medel för övertalning, måste den bild som finns representerad vara självgående stark och slagkraftig för att kunna få effekt.             Printannonserna har analyserats genom en semiotisk- och retorisk analys där det största fokuset kretsar kring det visuella. Denna analys har även operationaliserats i ett analysschema modifierat för att på bästa sätt kunna uppfylla studiens syfte. En diskussion förs sedan med hjälp av teorier kring organisations-kultur och dess inverkan på organisationers kommunikation samt kring reklam och propaganda. Dessa två teoretiska huvudområdenmoment ligger även till grund för studiens resultat och slutsats.             Studien visar på att Försvarsmaktens värdeord öppenhet, resultat och ansvar speglas i dess kommunikation där vilja och motiv premieras framför både kön och etnicitet. De tar ansvar för katastrofer och hjälper nödställda med en säker övertygelse om att lyckas. Samtidigt hamnar deras kommunikation i en gråzon mellan vanlig reklam och propaganda. Kampanjerna visar genomgående positiva sidor av yrket med en garanti för att den som tar värvning kommer att kunna göra skillnad. Samtidigt är det ett riskabelt yrke med potentiellt livet som insats. Detta nämns aldrig samtidigt som kampanjerna spelar på mottagarens känslor. Sammantaget finns således tendenser till propagandaliknande förfaranden i Försvarsmaktens rekryteringskampanjer.

During the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-1988, the Iraqi Baʿth party engaged in the production of historical narrative, which defined the party's ideal of Iraqi nationality and statehood, while promoting the legitimacy of its military efforts. Public intellectuals played an important role in the manufacture of such historical narrative. This thesis examines two works produced in the service of this project, Al-Ṣirāʿal-ʿIrāqiyy Fārisiyy, or "The Iraqi-Persian Conflict," and Tārīkh al-Munāzaʿāt wa-l-Ḥurūb Bayn al-ʿIrāq waʾĪrān, or "The History of the Conflicts and Wars Between Iraq and Iran." It will be demonstrated that these works reflected, and rarified a wartime nationalist discourse permeating the public sphere, in which an ideal of Iraqi nationality and statehood was defined through the demonization of an essentialist Persian other. Pre-Islamic and medieval Islamic history was employed to emphasize episodes of violence and cultural conflict between Iraqis and Iranians, in doing so illustrating the characteristics of both peoples. Iraqi nationality was defined as embodying superlative qualities of governance, military prowess, cultural achievement, and religiosity. Iraqi nationhood was defined and elevated in contrast to an opposite, malicious Persian nationality, rooted in anti-Arab hostility and characterized by inferiority in piety, culture, leadership, and warfare. Direct parallels existed between this nationalist narrative, and public sphere expressions of Baʿthist nationalist discourse, such as government statements, school textbooks, and monument construction.