António de Oliveira Salazar foi a figura central do Estado Novo português (1933-1974), responsável pelo estabelecimento de um governo antidemocrático, autoritário, que fez uso da censura, promoveu a tortura, e criou órgãos que disseminavam os valores do regime, tais como o SPN (Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional). Podemos dizer que a atuação da propaganda foi tão eficiente durante os longos anos de ditadura que não é incomum, nos dias atuais, encontrar parcelas da população portuguesa que reproduzem vários mitos criados ou disseminados durante o governo de Salazar, chegando mesmo a enaltecer a figura do ditador. Para uma melhor compreensão desse contexto, nosso objetivo é analisar o documentário Fantasia Lusitana (2010), de João Canijo (Porto, 1957), pois nele o realizador desconstrói a propaganda salazarista, produzida, sobretudo, durante o período da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945). Composto exclusivamente por material de arquivo, o documentário conjuga excertos de filmes, noticiários, canções, fotografias, documentos, jornais e revistas, produzidos ou chancelados pela SPAC (Sociedade Portuguesa de Actualidades Cinematográficas), bem como material de fontes independentes ou externas, portanto, não submetido ao crivo da censura. Neste segundo bloco, destacamos o registro fotográfico de refugiados estrangeiros que utilizaram Lisboa como rota de fuga da perseguição nazista, uma vez que Portugal havia adotado o status de neutralidade durante a guerra. Entretanto, o contraponto ao discurso oficial promovido pelo governo ditatorial se dá principalmente através das anotações de Alfred Döblin, Erika Mann e Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, três intelectuais famosos que, por meio de um olhar crítico e isento da influência da propaganda, registraram suas impressões sobre o Portugal salazarista enquanto fugiam da guerra. O contraste entre essas duas realidades se dá, sobretudo, por meio da criteriosa montagem em Fantasia Lusitana, capaz de transportar o espectador, muitas vezes de forma inesperada, tanto para o fantasioso mundo português criado pela propaganda estatal, quanto para a dura realidade imposta às vítimas e aos refugiados da guerra. / António de Oliveira Salazar was the central figure of the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974), being responsible for the establishment of an antidemocratic, authoritarian government which used censorship, promoted torture, and created organs that disseminated the values of the regime, such as the SPN (Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional). We can say that the role of the propaganda was so efficient during the long years of dictatorship that nowadays it is not uncommon to find segments of the Portuguese population that reproduce various myths created or disseminated during Salazar\'s government, even exalting the figure of the dictator. For a better understanding of this context, our aim is to analyze the documentary Fantasia Lusitana (2010), by João Canijo (Oporto, 1957), whereupon the movie director deconstructs the Salazarist propaganda, which was produced especially during the period of World War II (1939-1945). Composed exclusively of material from archives, the documentary combines excerpts from films, news, songs, photographs, documents, newspapers and magazines, produced or endorsed by the SPAC (Sociedade Portuguesa de Actualidades Cinematográficas), as well as material from independent or external sources, therefore, not subjected to censorship. In this second group, we highlight the photographic record of foreign refugees who used Lisbon as an escape route from the Nazi persecution, since Portugal had adopted the status of neutrality during the war. However, the counterpoint to the official discourse promoted by the dictatorial government comes mainly from the memoirs written by Alfred Döblin, Erika Mann and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, three famous intellectuals who, through a critical view and, free from the influence of the propaganda, recorded their impressions on Salazarist Portugal while they fled from the war. The contrast between these two realities comes mainly through the careful editing in Fantasia Lusitana, capable of transporting the spectator, often unexpectedly, both to the fanciful Portuguese world created by the State propaganda and to the harsh reality imposed on the war victims and refugees.

O propósito principal desta tese de doutorado é desenvolver um estudo de histórias conectadas sobre a expansão internacional do modelo de cinema nazista na Europa e na América Latina, durante as décadas de 1930 e 1950. A influência da Alemanha nazista sobre as indústrias de cinema e as produções cinematográficas da Itália fascista, de Portugal salazarista, da Espanha franquista, do Brasil varguista e da Argentina peronista, representou a tentativa de Berlim tornar-se a Nova Hollywood Mundial e teve importantes implicações políticas, culturais e econômicas em todos esses regimes políticos de massas, que nos propomos analisar. A tese analisa também três instituições político-culturais privilegiadas do III Reich: 1) O Ministério Nacional para Esclarecimento Público e Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), através do qual o ministro da propaganda nazista, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, empenhou-se na conquista do controle total dos meios de comunicação de massa, na reestruturação forçada das indústrias cinematográficas e na padronização das sessões de cinema, impondo uma produção obrigatória, planejada para aumentar o potencial propagandístico do cinema; 2) A Câmara Internacional de Cinema (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), uma organização internacional de representantes da indústria cinematografia de vinte e duas nações, fundada em 1935 para estabelecer o controle hegemônico da Alemanha nazista sobre um espaço europeu econômico e cultural integrado, que pudesse rivalizar com os modelos de cinema dos Estados Unidos da América e da União Soviética e; 3) A Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), através da qual o cinema nazista tentou conquistar os mercados hispânicos (Espanha e América Latina). Em termos gerais, a análise das políticas governamentais, dos principais temas políticos apresentados nos filmes, da influência da censura e de outros aspectos relacionados à produção cinematográfica, tais como legislação, políticas de crédito e sistemas de co-produções entre esses regimes políticos de massas, pretende mostrar como o cinema mundial foi influenciado e controlado pela Alemanha nazista, mas apresentou especificidades que procuramos mostrar neste trabalho. / The main purpose of this PhD Thesis is to develop a connected histories study on the international expansion of Nazi Cinemas model in Europe and Latin America, during the 1930s and 1950s. The Nazi Germanys influence over the film industries and cinematographs productions of Mussolinis Italy, Salazars Portugal, Francos Spain, Vargas Brazil, and Perons Argentine, represented the Berlins ruthless attempts at becoming the New World-Wide Hollywood, and also had important political, cultural and economical implications in all these mass political regimes, that we proposed to analyze. The thesis also analyzes three privileged political-cultural institutions of the III Reich: 1) The Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), through which the Nazi propaganda minister, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, sought to achieve total control of the mass media communications, forced restructuring of national film industries, and standardized film screening by imposing a compulsory production, designed to enhance films propagandistic potential; 2) The International Film Chamber (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), a international organization of national film industry representatives from twenty-two nations, founded in 1935 to establish a Nazi Germany hegemonic control over an integrated European economic and cultural space that could rival the United States of America and the Soviet Union cinemas models, and; 3) The Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), through which Nazi cinema tried to conquer Spanish markets (Spain and Latin America). In general terms, the analysis of the governmental policies, the main politics themes presented on the films, the influence of censorship, and others aspects related to the cinematograph productions, such as legislation, credit policies, and co-productions system between these mass political regimes, present how the world cinema was influenced and controlled by Nazi Germany, but presented specificities that we intend to point out in these PhD thesis.

Durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), operou-se um intenso debate ideológico entre as forças políticas que se confrontavam nos campos de batalha. Canções e cartazes de guerra foram eficientes instrumentos de divulgação das idéias de anarquistas, comunistas e nacionalistas. Tal debate, porém, já se havia anunciado nas duas primeiras décadas do século XX, quando esses grupos políticos veicularam suas ideologias através de textos ficcionais dirigidos às massas. Naquele contexto, o pensamento defendido pelos anarquistas circulou em mais de seiscentas novelas da série Novela Ideal, que visavam sobretudo à conscientização de seus leitores. O núcleo deste trabalho é a análise da ética libertária dessa produção ficcional que se constituiu como outro pólo de interlocução coerente com as demais formas de expressão usadas pelos anarquistas. Apesar da repressão a essa utopia, ela continua mobilizando, em outros lugares e tempos históricos, representações artísticas que atestam a permanência dos ideais ácratas como se observa, por exemplo, no texto O curto verão da anarquia e no filme Terra e Liberdade. / During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) an intense ideological debate was staged among the political forces that confronted each another on the battlefields. War songs and posters served as efficient tools for the disclosure of the ideas of anarchists, communists and nationalists. Said debate, however, had already been announced in the first decades of the 20th century, when these political groups transmitted their ideologies through fictional texts targeting the masses. In that context, the line of thought defended by anarchists circulated in over six hundred titles of the Novela Ideal series, which pursued the awareness of their readers above all. The core of this study is the analysis of the libertarian ethics of this fictional production, which constituted another point of dialogue in line with the other means of expression used by the anarchists. In spite of the repression of this utopia, it continues mobilizing, in other places and historic times, artistic representations that attest to the permanence of anarchists ideas as seen, for example, in the text entitled The short summer of anarchy and in the movie Land and Freedom.

Esta dissertação analisa a ação política dos grupos de interesse ao longo do processo de regulação da propaganda de alimentos desencadeado pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (Anvisa) em 2005. Ao descrever as estratégias e articulações políticas dos grupos de interesse público e dos grupos de interesse empresariais, atenção especial foi dada ao lobby do empresariado, de modo a aferir se sua ação foi bem-sucedida no sentido de minimizar ou anular a polêmica e conflituosa regulação proposta por aquela agência, cujos efeitos incidiam diretamente sobre as atividades do setor privado. O estudo compreendeu um acompanhamento detalhado de cada etapa do processo decisório, buscando observar quais arenas políticas são acionadas por esses grupos para a consecução de seus objetivos. Para a condução desta pesquisa, amparamo-nos no exame exaustivo de documentos relacionados à regulação proposta, oriundos dos três Poderes bem como dos grupos de interesse, e em entrevistas aprofundadas com os principais atores políticos envolvidos com a temática. A análise evidenciou que os grupos de interesse da sociedade civil e do empresariado possuem diferentes estratégias de ação, as quais refletem seus distintos recursos e acesso desigual aos principais canais de poder político. Da mesma forma, pudemos observar que, a despeito do poder econômico incontrastável dos dois setores afetados, indústria de alimento e de publicidade, sua ação política não foi capaz de impedir a Anvisa de prosseguir com o regulamento proposto, o que nos sugere importante autonomia política da agência. Não obstante, encontramos evidências de que a pressão do empresariado foi capaz de mitigar em grande medida a regulação da Anvisa, pois a norma foi alterada consideravelmente entre a consulta pública de 2006 e sua promulgação em 2010. Além disso, alterações organizacionais e no comando da Anvisa em 2012, alinhadas aos interesses dos grupos empresariais, dão conta de mudanças mais profundas na agência, as quais parecem ter redefinido as próprias bases do relacionamento com o empresariado. Sob essa ótica, o lobby do empresariado, embora não totalmente bem-sucedido na regulação aqui estudada, teria sido eficaz na reestruturação das relações com a Anvisa de agora em diante. / This dissertation analyzes the political action of interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. By describing the strategies and political articulations of the public interest groups and the business interest groups, special attention has been given to the business lobbying, in order to assess whether its action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that civil society and business groups have different action strategies, which reflect their distinct resources and unequal access to the main political power channels. Likewise, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from carrying on the proposed regulation, which shows us the important political autonomy of the agency. Nevertheless, we found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisas regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Besides, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen. Under this point of view, business lobbying, although not entirely successful in the regulation herein studied, would have been effective in restructuring the relations with Anvisa from now on.

This Master thesis contributes to the history of science in the period of the Czechoslovak communist regime. The thesis deals with the attempts to create a scientific theory of propaganda as an independent branch of science. The main goal of this thesis is to present what led to the formation of the Marxist theory of propaganda, describe its development and potential changes in the approach to propaganda during the reference period. Further goals are to describe the sources of the theory of propaganda, the concern of the official institutions and the people who dealt with propaganda. The research is based on the archive materials from the National Archives of the Czech republic and the Slovak National Archives, and on the works about the theory of propaganda. The central figure of this thesis is Miloslav Chlupáč, who dealt with the theory of propaganda in the whole reference period and who was influential to the most phases of the development of the theory of propaganda. The reference period begins with the changes in the society after the year of 1948, with the main concern being science, education and propaganda; and first contributions to the theory of propaganda, which were based on the socio-political situation in the 1950s. Following important phase in the development of the theory of propaganda were...

This thesis film is an overview of Nazi Germany, primarily told through the use of their own propaganda images, and structured in such a way as to make the viewer question what they think they know about the past, present, and future. This paper is a discussion of the process that went into making the film and some of the ideas connected to it that could not be brought out in the documentary.

The supposed diploma thesis is mapping the network of so-called pro-Russian media in the Czech Republic on social networking sites Twitter and Facebook and subsequent analysis of their audience. The purpose of this analysis is to process socio-demographic and other informations for specific media or their clusters. In the theoretical part of the thesis will be read into the issue and acquainted with the current state of knowledge in this area. In the practical part of the work will be demonstrated own research using methods of social network analysis (SNA). That is, tools that include objective changes, measuring and tracking relationships and information flows between entities.

This thesis deals with the influence of nazi ideology on language in the Sorbian press of the 1930s. The predominantly Upper Sorbian material presents lexemes that were associated with the terminology of the nazi regime. While some lexemes have persisted in the language and have not changed their form ever since, others are completely forgotten. Furthermore, some ideologemes of nazi propaganda and their adaptation in the Sorbian environment are presented. In particular, the areas of identity are unique to the Sorbian context, as they shift the meanings contained in the official conception of ideology. Furthermore literature which was published on the pages of the Sorbianpress is presented as a specific area where the language influenced by nazi ideology has penetrated. Key words: Sorbian press, Upper Sorbian, totalitarian language, propaganda, identity, ideology

The diploma thesis deals with medial images of selected events of the Ukraine War and their comparison in selected Ukrainian, Russian and Czech media. The aim of the diploma thesis is to identify, describe and compare medial images of key events of the Ukraine War in selected intelligence portals with various political orientation. The assumption is that there probably exist alternatives in opinion of the official Russian position in the frame of the Ukrainian and Czech media discourse. The first part of the thesis deals with theoretical concepts that are connected with propaganda and state-organised communication, and specifies the differences among them. Furthermore, a design of the research is introduced. The analytical part provides results and the content analysis detections in medial statements that were published in selected media between 20th February 2014 and 31st December 2014. The conclusion summarises the main detections of the research and their assets in the field of a propaganda survey.

This study seeks to analyze and understand the Russian propaganda before and after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. 15th of October 2021 to the 28th of February 2022 is the chosen research period, mainly because of the importance to get an understanding of how Kremlin used its propaganda machine to first justify the invasion and then legitimizing it after 24th of February. The study aims to shed light on how the propaganda can be understood from the perspective of the theories classical realism and authoritarian propaganda. Also, from a more general perspective to recognize what truly pervades the Russian propaganda during the period. The result reveals that the propaganda is strongly shaped by realistic beliefs regarding Russia’s national security in relation to the supposed threat coming from Kyiv and the West. It also shows that the propaganda is heavily restricted to the Russian authorities, seeing that it aims to create a reality where the western hegemony is in the wrong, while the Russian society is an idealistic alternative. Therefor the propaganda creates an image that Russia did not have any other choice than to invade Ukraine, to save it from Nazism and the presumed disastrous western civilization.