Tapus Europos Sąjungos nare, Lietuvoje pasikeitė kai kurie ekonominiai ir teisiniai aspektai, reguliuojantys tarptautinę prekybą. Todėl yra svarbu susipažinti su galiojančiais reglamentais bei kitais veiksniais (muitinės), kurie nustato reikalavimus tarptautinei prekybai. Taip pat svarbu sekti pokyčius prekyboje, siekiant išnaudoti atsiradusias galimybes įstojus į ES. Darbo objektas yra tarptautinės prekybos režimo pasikeitimai, Lietuvai įstojus į ES. Darbo tikslas yra išanalizuoti tarptautinės prekybos pokyčius Lietuvai įstojus į ES. Šiam tikslui pasiekti yra numatyti tokie uždaviniai: apibūdinti tarptautinės prekybos ir protekcionizmo sampratą; apžvelgti Lietuvos tarptautinės prekybos politikos raidą; apibūdinti tarptautinės prekybos Lietuvoje teisinį reglamentavimą; išanalizuoti ES bendrosios prekybos politiką; išanalizuoti Lietuvos muitinių veiklos pokyčius; išanalizuoti užsienio prekybos struktūrą. Darbe naudojami tokie metodai, tai yra, mokslinės literatūros apžvalga, publikacijų analizė, teisinių dokumentų bei lyginamoji analizė. Darbe pateikiama tarptautinės prekybos bei protekcionizmo samprata, teorijos, užsienio prekyboje taikomos priemonės. Analizuojama bendra prekybos politika (bendri išorės muitai, vienodos prekybos reguliavimo priemonės visose ES valstybėse, sudaromi bendri prekybos susitarimai su trečiosiomis šalimis), kuri yra taikoma Lietuvai įstojus į ES. Taip pat analizuojami muitinių veiklos bei užsienio prekybos struktūros pokyčiai. Taigi ES viduje... [to full text] / With the newly acquired membership in the European Union, certain economical and legal aspects regulating international trade have undergone changes in Lithuania. Thus, with a host of norms regulating trade between member states, the work in the new legal environment has become one of the major challenges facing Lithuania’s companies. Monitoring of trade-related changes with a view of benefiting from the new opportunities that have emerged with the country’s accession to the EU is not less important. The subject of this paper relates to changes in the international trade regime upon Lithuania’s accession to the EU. The objective of the work is to make analysis of changes in international trade upon Lithuania’s accession to the EU. To achieve this objective the following goals have been set: to define the concept of international trade and protectionism; to review the evolution of Lithuania’s international trade policy; to define the country’s legal regulation of international trade; to analyze the EU common trade policies; to analyze changes in Lithuania’s customs activities; to analyze the foreign trade structure. The methods used for this work are: review of research literature, analysis of publications, analysis of legal documents as well as comparative analysis. The work describes the concepts of international trade and protectionism, the underlying theoretical background, tools and remedies applied in international trade. The general trade policy as applicable for... [to full text]

An analysis of company law may allow us to abandon a perception that company law is impartial to the political context in which it is applied. This paper argues that state protectionism is reflected in the design of company law. Specifically, states may confer public functions to board of directors through their duties and authorities; in turn, directors’ functions may become barriers to foreign investments. To illustrate this argument, focus is placed on the duties of Canadian corporate directors and how their functions affect foreign direct investment in Canada. It demonstrates that the public function conferred to corporate directors echoes the State’s policy and regulations governing foreign investment. As a consequence to the redundancy of the public interest rationalization and the lack of political will to affect real market openness, unnecessary barriers are being placed for market access which may ultimately render Canada less attractive for foreign investors.

Many of the 10 Central European candidate member countries for EU accession entered into the transition period with strongly undervalued exchange rates to stimulate exports and protect domestic industries. However, this policy was not maintained. During 1993-1995 real currency appreciation increased competitive pressure by foreign firms. To protect domestic firms governments applied high third country tariffs, temporary import taxes, and numerous administrative barriers to trade. As countervailing pressure by the EU and the USA increased and current account deficits soared in 1996 and 1997, the CE-10 more and more brought exchange rate policies in line with the changes in purchasing power parity. However, petty protection and harassment of importers prevails. (author's abstract) / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1987. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 434-454).

Thesis (M. Laws (Law))--Rhodes University, 1999.

À la suite des travaux de Paul Bairoch, cette thèse étudie le lien entre protectionnisme etcroissance économique pendant la première mondialisation (1850-1913) en France et enSuisse. En particulier, nous nous intéressons à un chainon manquant dans l’explication de lacorrélation positive entre droits de douane et croissance, celui de la relation entre la politiquecommerciale et la spécialisation des nations. Dans cette thèse, nous considérons la politiquecommerciale comme un phénomène construit, temporel, s’inscrivant dans une structureinstitutionnelle particulière. Par conséquent, les deux premiers chapitres présentent le contextethéorique, historique et politique dans lequel s’inscrit la politique commerciale des économiesau 19e siècle. Par la suite, nous présentons deux bases de données sur le commerce extérieurde la France et de la Suisse. Ces bases originales nous permettent de mener une étudeempirique sur la spécialisation à l’exportation de ces deux économies ainsi que sur la relationentre protectionnisme et exportations, en nous basant sur un nouveau test empirique de laprotection des industries dans l’enfance. Cette thèse montre alors que la France met en placeun protectionnisme traditionnel qui, sous l’influence des groupes de pression, vise à maintenirles spécialisations traditionnelles de l’économie. Au contraire, la Suisse met en place unprotectionnisme innovant, qui vise l’émergence de nouvelles spécialisations favorisant ainsi laréussite économique de la nation. / Following the « tariffs-growth » paradox, this thesis studies the link between protectionismand economic growth in France and Switzerland during the first globalization (1850-1913).We particularly look at the relationship between commercial policy and specialization, whichconstitutes a missing link explaining the positive correlation between tariffs and economicgrowth. This thesis considers the commercial policy as a constructed, time-relatedphenomenon taking place in a specific institutional structure. As a consequence, the two firstchapters introduce the theoretical, historical and political context in which the commercialpolicy is produced during the 19th century. Then, we present two original databases on Frenchand Swiss external trade. These databases provide opportunities to study export specializationand the relationship between protectionism and export flows based on a new empirical test ofthe infant industry argument. We show that France implements a traditional protectionismunder the influence of lobbies that aims to maintain traditional specializations. On the otherhand, Switzerland implements an innovative protectionism to develop new specializationsthat favours economic growth.

The tariff barrier protecting secondary manufacturing in Eastern Canada depresses the relative trade position of British Columbia. This situation arises, in part, from the industrial character in the latter region. The abundant natural resources and the production level well beyond Canadian demand guides the major portion of British Columbia products into foreign markets. These markets, therefore, are an important source of income for British Columbia. However, the archaic tariff system in Canada, along with the manufacturers' sales tax and various excise taxes, restricts the flow of foreign imports into British Columbia and, in turn, enhances the inflow of high-priced merchandise from Eastern Canada. In this way, the real income position of British Columbia residents is curtailed. By constructing the terms of trade for both regions from 1948-1965, it was possible to elucidate further effects of the tariff on British Columbia. For instance, the Net Barter Terms of Trade (export-import price ratio) was found to be more favorable for Eastern Canada when the Canadian dollar appreciated in the 1950's. This condition resulted from the superior buying power of the Eastern Canadian dollar relative to the British Columbian dollar, since the latter region was compelled by the tariff to continue purchasing secondaries in Eastern Canada where no direct exchange rate benefits could be realized. As a test of the relative buying powers of British Columbia and Eastern Canada, the Income Terms of Trade were constructed. This index, by combining import-export price movements with export volume changes, attempts to measure the regional import capacity. It was found to be more favorable for British Columbia over the 18 year period, but as an indicator of the real relative import capacity it was a poor index indeed. Because of the superior buying power of Eastern Canadian dollars in the 50's and the relatively low tariffs on primary manufacturers, the import quantity indexes turned out almost identical over the test period. On a positive note, the recent Kennedy Round of tariff reductions on machinery promises to lower costs in many British Columbia industries, whether or not this will increase the international competitiveness of her products remains to be seen, since they were selling well pre-Kennedy. Nevertheless, the duty reductions constitute a step in the right direction towards more liberal trade policies in Canada. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

The diploma thesis on the subject: "WTO positions to deal with the international financial and economic crisis" makes an attempt to get a complex view of the role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in relation to the recent and so far not totally overcome world economic crisis. The point of departure of the dissertation is a brief analysis of the main functions of the WTO in the context of its history including the ongoing negotiations of the so called Doha Development Agenda (DDA). The dissertation analyses further the main causes of the recent crisis and compares it with the Great Depression of the thirties in the XX century. Special attention is thereat given to the role of the international trade and the impact of both crises on it. It states that in both cases the trade was not a cause of the crisis but rather its victim. The differences are seen in the fact that in this crisis the states in principle managed to resist protectionist tendencies. This was also thanks to the role of the WTO and its effect, through its monitoring mechanism as well as the existence of the system of binding rules. It takes notice of different forms of today's protectionism and is warning against its development. In the conclusion the thesis indicates some of the possible directions of the next development of the WTO activities.

Canada has historically been both attracted to and suspicious of the United States. While closer relations have promised greater economic benefits, Canadians have long been wary of the influence wielded by Americans by virtue of their size and power, as well as a crusading sense of nationalism. Hence free trade, while economically attractive, has been rejected on no less than five occasions in Canadian history. However, despite the emphasis placed on autonomy by nationalists, Canada has from its very inception drawn closer to its only neighbour. Trade with the Americans steadily displaced British trade, a trend accelerated by the Second World War. The war brought Ottawa and Washington into particularly close cooperation, and the emergence of the United States as the leader of the Western alliance in 1945 further solidified their relationship. NATO and NORAD went a good distance toward integrating continental defence, while bilateral trade mounted, boosted further by the signing of the Auto Pact in 1965. Yet, even in the face of such cooperation, the nationalist impulse in Canadian politics has remained strong. Diefenbaker's pledge to divert 15 per cent of Canada's trade with the United States to Great Britain echoed Canadian concerns about their dependence on the U.S. and was clearly antagonistic to American interests, as were the string of highly nationalistic policies enacted under Trudeau. Autonomy has become more difficult to achieve, however. The global economy has become increasingly competitive, while the post-1945 liberal trading order no longer seems capable of ensuring open world markets. The relative decline of the United States evident since the mid-1960s, combined with the rising importance of regional trade blocs and the economic success of Japan and the NICs, acted to undermine the liberal trade regime established in the wake of World War II. No longer willing to trade off economic gains for security goals, Washington, beginning with the "Nixon shocks" of 1972-73, turned to protectionism. Trade issues became crucial to the formulation of foreign policy, while states became increasingly vulnerable to the actions and policies pursued by others. The rising importance of trade to virtually all countries, due in large part to the post-war liberal trade regime, thus led to an increasing politicization of trade issues. The declining utility of force as an effective tool of foreign policy, given by the development of nuclear weapons and the ineffectiveness of conventional weapons demonstrated in Vietnam and Afghanistan, has heightened further the importance of economic issues. The traditional distinction between the "high politics" of security considerations and the "low politics" of economic issues has, for many states, been erased. Increasingly states are faced with trade-offs between security and economic values. This increased concern with economic values is evident in Canada's decision to pursue free trade with the United States. The sacrifices entailed in a nationalist political course have become more expensive both because of the rise of protectionism in the United States, and further because the intrinsic value of national economic performance has risen The trade-off between autonomy and wealth long recognized in Canadian politics remains, yet the value of affluence has increased. Indeed, Canadian nationalism has come to be defined increasingly in terms of Canadian performance in the world economy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate