Thesis (M.B.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf [108]-112). Also available in print.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:54:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LiliaSL_DISSERT.pdf: 1205746 bytes, checksum: 2d6f54937aea54d66af1807b0fdb64df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-13 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The World Trade Organization (WTO) was established in 1994 as a result of the Uruguay Round, and has as its principal aim advocate for the maintenance of free trade between nations. The preamble of its Constitutive Agreement specifically cites as an institution the goal of achieving sustainable development and the pursuit of protecting and preserving the environment, bringing into the sphere of world trade the idea that concern for the environmental cause is not restricted only the group of environmentalists, but rather has entered the economic landscape in a way not only ideological, but also pragmatic. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1947, part of the GATT 1994, contains a device that allows the adoption of trade restrictive measures, provided that such measures aimed at protecting the environment - Article XX. The Settlement Body (DSB) is part of the WTO and acts in dissolving disputes between the countries motivated by trade. It examines two cases where countries have imposed restrictive trade measures with environmental justification. The first case was closed in 1996, with award of damages given to Brazil, on the breakdown of U.S. environmental legislation imposed on imported gasoline from Brazil - and the second, begun in 2005 and closed in 2007, coming out victorious again Brazil is on the import ban on retreaded tires to Brazil. The objective is to answer the question: how the environment is treated in the midst of trade discussions - which is aimed at its protection or its use with economic objectives in disguise? For the preparation of this work, extensive documentary research was undertaken with the virtual site of the WTO to review the entire production of legal cases and subsequent analysis of the key issue for the work, and literature of authors who have studied the tense relationship between trade international environment. The first case, it could be seen that the political movement performed by the U.S. with the aim of achieving acceptable standards of air quality was an institutional effort to ensure the quality of air, and thus would be inappropriate to say that the regulation of gasoline was merely a disguised trade barrier.However, a careful analysis of the implementation and operation of gasoline regulation may reveal intentions disguised trade and U.S. environmental argument did not hold. The weight of this environment was relegated, since there were clearly outside interests to the environmental cause. The second case, it was realized that, despite clear attempts by the EC to promote ecological dumping, send when brought to Brazil, supposedly a country with weaker environmental structure on surveillance, a residue that, pursuant to internal policies, as could not be sent to their own landfills, the Brazilian discourse remained focused on the environmental cause, and this sort there was the existence of disguised trade barriers, but of importance, at least a priori, the discussion of foreign forces on the environment environment because there is no way to legally justify the reversal of the total understanding of the first judging body, the sight of all the arguments presented by Brazil and the nonsubmission of new facts upon appeal. Still, quite heartening to reflect on the role of trade liberalization on the environment in general, because, while they do not reach a definitive conclusion will reveal positions in both directions, both for and against, the that only adds to the discussions and makes this a very fertile topic for future research / A Organiza??o Mundial do Com?rcio (OMC) foi criada em 1994, como resultado da Rodada Uruguai, e tem como escopo principal propugnar pela manuten??o do livre-com?rcio entre as na??es. O pre?mbulo do seu Acordo Constitutivo cita especificamente como sendo um objetivo da institui??o o alcance de um desenvolvimento sustent?vel e a busca pela prote??o e preserva??o do meio ambiente, trazendo para a esfera do com?rcio mundial a ideia de que a preocupa??o com a causa ambiental n?o est? restrita apenas ao grupo dos ambientalistas, mas, pelo contr?rio j? adentrou o cen?rio econ?mico de uma forma n?o s? ideol?gica, por?m tamb?m pragm?tica. O Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Com?rcio (GATT) de 1947, que integra o GATT de 1994, cont?m um dispositivo que permite a ado??o de medidas restritivas ao com?rcio, desde que tais medidas visem a prote??o do meio ambiente Artigo XX. O ?rg?o de Solu??o de Controv?rsias (OSC) integra a OMC e atua na dissolu??o de controv?rsias entre os pa?ses motivadas por quest?es comerciais. Analisam-se dois casos em que pa?ses impuseram medidas comerciais restritivas com justificativa ambiental. O primeiro caso foi encerrado em 1996, com ganho de causa dado ao Brasil, relativo ? discrimina??o da legisla??o ambiental estadunidense imposta ? gasolina importada do Brasil e o segundo, iniciado em 2005 e encerrado em 2007, saindo novamente o Brasil vitorioso, ? referente ? proibi??o da importa??o de pneus reformados para o Brasil. Objetiva-se responder ? pergunta: como o meio ambiente ? tratado em meio a discuss?es comerciais o que se visa ? a sua prote??o ou a sua utiliza??o com objetivos econ?micos disfar?ados? Para a confec??o deste trabalho, foi empreendida ampla pesquisa documental junto ao s?tio virtual da OMC para avalia??o de toda a produ??o jur?dica dos casos e posterior an?lise da quest?o-chave para o trabalho, al?m de pesquisa bibliogr?fica de autores que estudam a tensa rela??o entre com?rcio internacional e meio ambiente. Quanto ao primeiro caso, p?de-se perceber que a movimenta??o pol?tica realizada pelos EUA com o fito de alcan?ar padr?es aceit?veis de qualidade do ar foi um esfor?o institucional para assegurar a qualidade do ar atmosf?rico, e, assim, seria inapropriado afirmar que o regulamento da gasolina constituiu meramente um entrave comercial disfar?ado. Por?m, uma an?lise cuidadosa da implementa??o e do funcionamento do regulamento da gasolina pode evidenciar inten??es comerciais disfar?adas e o argumento ambiental dos EUA n?o se sustentou. O peso do meio ambiente neste foi relegado, posto que visivelmente existiam interesses estranhos ? causa ambiental. Quanto ao segundo caso, percebeu-se que, apesar das claras tentativas das CE de promover o dumping ecol?gico, quando intentaram enviar para o Brasil, supostamente um pa?s com estrutura fiscalizat?ria ambiental mais d?bil, um res?duo que, por for?a de diretivas internas, j? n?o podia ser enviado para seus pr?prios aterros, o discurso brasileiro permaneceu centrado na causa ambiental, e desta sorte n?o se verificou a exist?ncia de barreiras comerciais disfar?adas, e sim, de preponder?ncia, pelo menos a priori, de for?as estranhas ? discuss?o sobre o meio ambiente, pois que n?o h? como se justificar juridicamente a revers?o total do entendimento do primeiro ?rg?o julgador, ? vista de todos os argumentos apresentados pelo Brasil e da n?o apresenta??o de fatos novos quando da apela??o. Ainda, bastante alvissareira a reflex?o sobre o papel da liberaliza??o comercial sobre o meio ambiente de forma geral, pois que, ao passo em que n?o se chega a uma conclus?o definitiva, evidenciamse posi??es nos dois sentidos, tanto a favor quanto contra, o que s? enriquece as discuss?es e torna este um tema bastante f?rtil para futuras pesquisas

La fiscalité indirecte est au cœur des préoccupations de l’Union européenne et des Etats membres. Pour l’Union européenne, la fiscalité indirecte représente un élément structurant du marché intérieur. Pour les Etats membres, la fiscalité indirecte est un symbole de la souveraineté nationale et une ressource importante. L’opposition des volontés de l’Union européenne et des Etats membres conduit alors à s’interroger sur la place de la fiscalité indirecte dans la construction européenne. La confrontation des volontés de l’Union européenne et des Etats membres a mené à donner une place particulière à la fiscalité indirecte. Cette spécificité est engendrée par l’interaction entre deux mouvements d’intégration. L’intégration négative va soumettre tout le régime des impôts indirects au contrôle des institutions européennes. Les Etats sont alors « dépossédés » de leur souveraineté fiscale. L’intégration positive, qui nécessite le consentement unanime de tous les Etats membres, va leur permettre de retrouver leur souveraineté. / Indirect taxation is at the heart of the concerns of the European Union and the Member States. For the European Union, indirect taxation is a structuring element of the internal market. For the Member States, indirect taxation is a symbol of national sovereignty and an important resource. The opposition of the wishes of the European Union and the Member States leads us to wonder about the place of indirect taxation in the construction of Europe. The confrontation of the wishes of the Union and the Member States has led to give a special place to indirect taxation. This specificity is generated by the interaction between two integration movements. Negative integration will subject the whole system of indirect taxes to the control of the European institutions. States are then "dispossessed" of their fiscal sovereignty. Positive integration, which requires the unanimous consent of all member states, will enable them to regain their sovereignty.

A tese demonstra a conformação do pensamento protecionista industrial no Brasil durante o Segundo Reinado. Tal pensamento, que se manifestava em ação ou projetos de ação por parte de determinado grupo, consolidou-se com a formação da Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro. Apreende-se, portanto, a formação desse pensamento protecionista e a atuação de um grupo que buscava tarifas alfandegárias que protegessem a indústria nacional. Esse grupo, o pensamento por ele defendido e suas ações se consolidaram na década de 1880. A análise será feita a partir da década de 1840, a fim de expor a configuração do pensamento protecionista proposta na Tarifa de 1844, assim como a luta da seção da indústria fabril para se alcançar Tarifas Alfandegárias que protegesse a indústria, até chegar ao confronto com os ideários da Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro nas décadas de 1870-1880. Almeja-se demonstrar que esta entidade apregoa uma inovação, com o intento de servir como uma bandeira a favor da indústria fabril em torno de uma política tarifária contrária ao pensamento do Império na época. Pretende-se compreender, o motivo pelo qual a indústria fabril não conseguiu o apoio necessário para o seu desenvolvimento. Pretende-se expor no decorrer desta obra os políticos e/ ou intelectuais que articulam a favor ou contra a indústria fabril com o propósito de se definir as razões do atraso do desenvolvimento da indústria no Império. A Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro era uma entidade burguesa que discutia as Tarifas Alfandegárias a fim de especificar suas deficiências com o intuito de influir na dinâmica econômica do Império. E assim, demarcar seus interesses e interferir com propostas que pudessem favorecer os industriais que se congregaram nesta entidade, alardeando uma proposta protecionista com o intuito de ser uma alternativa para o desenvolvimento econômico do Império. / The thesis demonstrates the conformation of industrial protectionist thought in Brazil during the Second Reign. This thought, which manifested itself in action or projects of action by a certain group, consolidated itself with the formation of the Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro. Thus, the formation of this protectionist thought and the action of a group that sought tariffs that protected the national industry, is therefore seized. This group, the thought he defended and his actions consolidated in the 1880s. The analysis will be made starting in the 1840s, in order to expose the configuration of the protectionist thinking proposed in the Tarifa of 1844, as well as the struggle of the section of the manufacturing industry to achieve Customs Tariffs that would protect the industry, until confronted with the ideas of the Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro in the 1870s and 1880s. It is hoped to demonstrate that this entity proclaims an innovation, with the intention to serve as a flag in favor of the factory industry around a tariff policy contrary to the thought of the Empire at the time. It is intended to understand, the reason why the manufacturing industry did not get the necessary support for its development. It is intended to expose in the course of this work the politicians and / or intellectuals who articulate for or against the manufacturing industry with the purpose of defining the reasons for the delay of the development of the industry in the Empire. The Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro was a bourgeois entity that discussed the Customs Tariffs in order to specify their deficiencies in order to \"influence\" the economic dynamics of the Empire. And so, demarcate their interests and interfere with proposals that could favor the industrialists who congregated in this entity, boasting a protectionist proposal with the intention of being an alternative for the economic development of the Empire.

A presente dissertação intitulada O princípio de proteção em face da flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas tem o objetivo de analisar a proteção do trabalhador no atual contexto brasileiro, através do método apresentado pela teoria de direito como integridade, formulada por Ronald Dworkin. O diferencial desta teoria é a adoção do novo paradigma de objetividade, em oposição ao conceito moderno de objetividade científica, em que o objeto deve ser conhecido necessariamente desvinculado da perspectiva do sujeito cognoscente. Conforme o novo paradigma de objetividade, nenhum conceito pode ser determinado a priori, mas somente dentro de um contexto determinado. O mesmo acontece com o conceito de direito. Não é possível a priori descrevê-lo por completo. O conceito se constrói na própria resolução dos casos concretos, ainda que reconheçamos casos paradigmáticos. Dessa forma, diante de um caso difícil, ou seja, sobre o qual há controvérsia, o juiz utilizará sempre padrões jurídicos interpretados com base na teoria que melhor justifica a prática jurídica como um todo. Assim, não há discricionariedade no sentido de ausência de padrão para julgamento. O direito determina a decisão correta, a qual constitui direito subjetivo do cidadão, e obrigação jurídica do juiz. A discussão sobre o princípio da proteção do trabalhador presente no direito brasileiro na atualidade é bem compreendida como um caso difícil conforme o modelo descrito por Ronald Dworkin. É reconhecida a desigualdade entre as partes da relação de emprego, entretanto, diverge-se sobre a melhor forma de equilibrar esse contrato. A corrente que defende a proteção do trabalhador pela via da negociação coletiva entende que o protecionismo estatal não mais atente à finalidade do direito de trabalho de equilibrar a relação de emprego, sendo necessária a flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas. Enquanto a corrente oposta entende que a finalidade do direito do trabalho é melhor alcançada justamente pela proteção do empregado pelo Estado. A divergência é sobre qual a melhor concepção de proteção do trabalhador, ou seja, o que é a igualdade no campo das relações de emprego. A análise dos argumentos das duas correntes demonstra que a argumentação da corrente que defende a proteção estatal é mais forte, pois não faz sentido atribuir aos sindicatos a função de proteger os trabalhadores no momento em que essas entidades estão mais frágeis. Essa fragilidade é causada justamente pelos mesmos fatores que os juristas apontam como motivo para flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas. São exatamente o atual modelo de produção e o desemprego as maiores causas da fragilidade do sindicato. Essa disputa doutrinária ressoa na jurisprudência. A análise de acórdãos do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho mostra que o Tribunal resguarda direitos mínimos do trabalhador e direitos que representam normas de ordem pública, os quais não podem ser negociados. Além disso, exige concessões recíprocas para a validade da negociação coletiva. Por outro lado, permite a flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas nos casos previstos na Constituição e nos casos de direitos disponíveis. / The purpose of this paper, entitled Principle of protection under labor rights flexibility, is to analyze the protection of employees in the current Brazilian context, by means of the method presented by the theory of law as integrity, formulated by Ronald Dworkin. This theorys differential factor is the adoption of a new objectivity standard, as opposed to the modern scientific objectivity concept, in which the object must be necessarily known as detached from the cognoscent subject perspective. According to the new objectivity standard, no concept may be determined a priori, but only within a determined context. The same happens with the law concept. It is not possible to completely describe it a priori, the concept is created to the extent concrete cases are resolved, although we recognize paradigmatic cases. Thus, in face of a difficult case, that is, which presents controversies, the judge will always use legal standards interpreted based on the theory that best justifies the legal practice as a whole. In this way, there is no discretion in regards to the lack of standard for judgment. The law determines the correct decision, which constitutes the citizens subjective right, and the judges legal obligation. The discussion on the employees protection principle present in the Brazilian law nowadays is understood as a difficult case, according to the model described by Ronald Dworkin. The unequal character between the parties in an employment relationship is recognized, however, there are divergences in regards to the best way to achieve balance threrein. The stream defending the protection of employees by collective negotiation understands that the state protectionism no longer meets the purpose of labor law to provide balance to employment relationships, being necessary to turn labor rights flexible. The opposed stream, at its turn, understands that the purpose of labor law is better achieved exactly by the protection of the employee by the State. The divergence arises when it comes to decide which is the best employee protection concept, that is, what does equality mean within the scope of employment relationships. Upon analysis of the arguments of both streams, it is found to be stronger the stream defending state protection, because it does not make much sense to give unions the function to protect employees at the moment such entities are more fragile. Such fragility is specially caused by the same factors described by jurists as the reason to turn labor rights flexible. The current production model and unemployment are the greatest causes of union fragility. This doctrinaire dispute has an influence upon the case law. The analysis of the decisions rendered by the Labor Supreme Court demonstrates that the Court protects the minimum rights of employees and the rights representing public order rules, which may not be negotiated. In addition, it requires reciprocal concessions to make the collective negotiation valid. On the other hand, it allows the flexibility of labor rights in the cases se forth in the Constitution and available case law.

Magister Legum - LLM

Science studies contends that scientific knowledge is produced through social and geographical processes. This dissertation applies this insight to the production of economic knowledge, specifically addressing how the Anti-Corn Law League, an organization that campaigned against the protectionist Corn Laws in Britain in the 1830s and 40s, made economic truth. The argument is organized in five chapters. The Introduction discusses the key theoretical ideas from science studies – controversy, consensus, and credibility – that later chapters use in interpreting the Anti-Corn Law campaign. Chapter II supplies the social and intellectual context of the Anti-Corn Law movement, showing how its origins in Manchester shaped its meaning, and how uncertainty about the benefits of free trade compelled Leaguers to present a persuasive case for it. Chapter III explores how the League’s public meetings were conducted, arguing that economic knowledge was produced through the processes of presenting and authenticating testimony, in which mass assent, expressed through various imaginaries of the nation, functioned as a rhetorical voucher of truth. Chapter IV examines a case in which assent was not attained, and the means through which the League sought to maintain credibility. It is argued that the League depicted itself as trustworthy according to assumptions society shared about what counted as knowledge and honesty, assumptions that constituted what can be called a cultural map of credibility. The Conclusion summarizes the main arguments of the thesis. It explicitly relates the study to the literature on the geographies of science, and elaborates on how geographical imaginations are inscribed in the process of knowledge production. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the change in response of Latin American governments to the economic crisis and thus the change in the character of protectionist measures applied. How do the means of the protection of domestic market change? How does the financial globalization reflect in the Latin American protectionism? What are the further perspectives of the development of Latin American countries? The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter examines the forms of protectionism in the reaction to economic crisis of the 20th century. Firstly, it presents Latin America as a traditionally protectionist region in the period of the import substitution industrialization, secondly it focuses on governments' reactions to the cyclic crises of the 80s and 90s that were caused by the liberalization of the capital accounts and high sensitivity of Latin American economies to the sudden stop on financial markets. The second chapter is devoted to the current global economic crisis. It analyses the means of trade and financial protectionism. Simultaneously, it compares the protectionist measures used to the ones employed in previous periods. The final part of the thesis explores further perspectives of Latin American regionalism and improved macroeconomic stability of Latin American economies.

A model of development aid, which has been known for more than 50 years is clearly ineffective in Sub-Saharan Africa. This is because such assistance demonstrably negatively affects local governments and strongly contributes to the proliferation of corruption and deterioration of the elements od democracy. The theory of the vicious circle of poverty as one of the main arguments of the proponents of this aid is refuted in the thesis and replaced by the theory of the vicious circle of political instability, which is associated with that governments and their policies. It is necessary tu support a citizens' initiative, which will seek the establishment of democratic institutions, not governments, which are responsible for poverty of their country. Development aid is not the only thing that harms poor countries. Less visible, but with a strong negative effect there are protectionist measures in the form of non-tariff barriers, the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU and its export subsidies, or debt relief of bad governemtns. The failure of these policies are so fundamental that the best advice would probably be to end the government subsidies for poor countries and a focus on small development projects helping specific people, instead of grand plans and aid volumes sounding into space.

The purpose of this study is to assess American economic thought during the antebellum period. Antebellum political economy has been largely neglected by historians. They have ignored both the valuable contributions made by America’s first political economists to domestic intellectual culture, as well as the importance of American economic thought in the transatlantic discourse. A dynamic, sophisticated, and complex political economy marks the antebellum era, and when studied in its proper context provides insight into how Americans understood the transformative economic changes they experienced. This dissertation draws on an extensive body of primary and secondary literature. Special consideration is given to the more learned articulations of economic thought. However, recognizing the immature state of the science during the period under investigation works of various levels of theoretical erudition are referenced. In their attempts to fashion a distinctly American political economy domestic thinkers entertained a wide range of economic principles. Contrary to conventional wisdom the Americans were not absolutist in their dedication to British orthodoxy. Antebellum political economy manipulated British authorities to suit the immediate concerns of contemporaries, thus spoiling the essence of classical doctrine. This dissertation makes clear that few Americans accepted classical orthodoxy without important qualifications. Classical theory was confronted with its most systematic challenge by protectionists. Despite protectionism having shaped the course of American economic development, its theoretical underpinnings have been summarily discounted by historians and economists. Protectionists, however, afforded the quintessential expression of American antebellum political economy. This dissertation intends to rescue the protectionists from historical abandon and reclaim the position of relevance they enjoyed during their own time. The antebellum period also hosted a fiery set of intellectuals determined to upset the emerging free-market order, exhibiting a particular disdain for institutions of finance and the industrial ethos. Conservatives from the North and South aimed to slow America’s march into the modern economy. These elements did not operate on the fringes of intellectual society, rather they represent something central to the American discourse and are illustrative of the difficulty attendant to classifying antebellum thinkers according to traditional notions of economic ideology.