published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

Les débats économiques au 19e siècle, loin d’être l’apanage du monde universitaire, étaient aux États-Unis un des principaux objets de contentieux entre les partis politiques et ceux-ci trouvaient écho dans la sphère publique. Les journaux étaient alors le principal moyen de communiquer les opinions des différents partis. La présente étude vise à mettre en contexte et cerner la position des écrits du plus important économiste américain de son époque, Henry Charles Carey (1793-1879), reconnu comme tel par J.S. Mill et Karl Marx en leur temps, lors de la décennie de 1850 dans le journal le plus influent de cette période, le New York Tribune. Pour ce faire, il a fallu au préalable identifier les articles non signés de Carey dans le journal, ce qui n’avait auparavant jamais été fait. Au moment d’écrire dans le principal organe américain qui défendait la protection aux États-Unis afin d’industrialiser le pays, Carey était alors le représentant le plus prééminent du système américain d’économie. Ce dernier, fondé sur les écrits d’Alexander Hamilton, prônait l’industrialisation des États-Unis et l’intervention de l’État pour défendre le bien commun, s’opposant ainsi à l’école libérale anglaise basée sur les écrits d’Adam Smith. Conceptuellement, la pensée économique de Carey se situe dans la tradition des Autres Canon, basée sur la production et l’innovation. Ceci le mena à s’opposer avec vigueur tant au malthusianisme qu’à la division internationale du travail, justifiée théoriquement par la thèse de l’avantage comparatif de Ricardo. En effet, dans son analyse, la volonté exprimée au milieu du 19e siècle par l’Angleterre de devenir l’atelier du monde et de faire du reste des nations des producteurs de matières premières sous un régime de libre-échange n’était rien d’autre que la continuation de la politique coloniale par d’autres moyens. Pour Carey, la spécialisation dans l’exportation de matières premières, notamment défendue par les planteurs du Sud des États-Unis, loin d’être bénéfique au pays, était le sûr gage de la pauvreté comme les cas de l’Irlande et de l’Inde le démontraient. / During the19th century in the United States, economic debates, far from being limited to the academic world, were one of the main subjects of dispute among political parties, finding echo in the public sphere. At the time, newspapers were the primary way of circulating the opinions of the different political parties. The aim of the present study is to contextualize and understand the writings of Henry Charles Carey (1793-1879), the most important American economist of his age, recognized as such by J.S. Mill and Karl Marx, during the 1850s in the most influential newspaper of that period, the New York Tribune. To do so, it was first necessary to locate the unsigned articles written by Carey in this newspaper; something which to date had never been done. At the time that Carey wrote in this paper, the main American organ defending protection so as to industrialize the country, he was the most eminent representative of the American System of economy. Founded on the writings of Alexander Hamilton, it advocated industrialization and defend the role of the state to promote the general welfare and was thus opposed to the English liberal school based on Adam Smith’s writings. Conceptually, Carey’s economic thought followed the tradition of the Other Canon, based on production and innovation. This led him to vigorously oppose Malthusianism and the international division of labor, theoretically justified by Ricardo’s thesis of comparative advantage. Indeed, in his analysis, England’s desire to become the workshop of the world in the mid-19th century and to transform the rest of the world into producers of raw materials under a free-trade regime, was nothing more than the continuation of colonial policy by other means. For Carey, specialization in raw materials exports, notably supported by the southern planters in the United States, far from been beneficial to the country, was the surest path to poverty as demonstrated by the Irish and Indian cases.

L’objet de cette thèse est de déterminer l’effet des normes environnementales sur lecommerce du Textile-Habillement et d’analyser les stratégies adoptées dans ce cadre par lespays en développement, plus particulièrement, par la Tunisie. Les exigencesenvironnementales, volontaires et obligatoires, ont touché essentiellement la branche textile etpourraient se substituer aux instruments traditionnels de protectionnisme après ledémantèlement de l’Accord multifibres en 2005. Les résultats des analyses statistiques etéconométriques montrent un effet positif de la certification environnementale sur lesexportations de certains produits d’habillement vers le marché européen signalant ainsil’importance de cette nouvelle tendance. L’étude est affinée autour du positionnement desfirmes tunisiennes sur la chaîne globale de valeur du Textile-Habillement et des stratégiesadoptées afin de faire face à ces normes environnementales. Nos résultats montrent ladifficulté des firmes tunisiennes à réussir une remontée industrielle. Les exigencesenvironnementales inhibent leur passage de la sous-traitance à la co-traitance. Ellesaccentuent également leur dépendance envers les fournisseurs européens de textile. La thèses’interroge en dernier lieu sur l’intérêt du programme « Tunisian Ecolabel » et sur lesdéterminants de l’adoption de la certification environnementale par les firmes tunisiennes duTextile-Habillement. / The purpose of this thesis is to determine the effect of environmental standards on trade inTextile-Apparel products and to analyse the strategies adopted by developing countries, withspecific reference to Tunisia. Voluntary and mandatory environmental requirements havemainly affected the textile industry and could replace traditional instruments of protectionismafter the dismantling of the Multifibre Arrangement in 2005. The result of statistical andeconometric analysis indicates a positive effect of environmental certification on exports ofcertain apparel products towards the European market denoting the importance of this newtrend. The study is focused upon the Tunisian firms’ positioning in the global value chain ofTextile-Apparel industry and strategies which they will have to implement in order to be ableto meet environmental standards. Our results show the difficulty of Tunisian firms to besuccessful in industrial upgrading. Environmental requirements heighten their dependence onEuropean suppliers of the textile industry and prevent the transition from the originalequipment assembly to original Equipment Manufacturer. Lastly, the thesis discusses theeffectiveness of “Tunisian Ecolabel” program and the determinants for adopting theenvironmental certifications by Tunisian firms’ of the Textile-Apparel industry.

Cette thèse a pour objectif de montrer que Marx et Keynes, par des analyses distinctes, aboutissentà une même conclusion qui conserve un sens aujourd’hui : la cause ultime de la crise résidedans l’excès de concurrence. De là suit que le protectionnisme, conçu comme une régulation des effetsde la concurrence sur l’économie nationale, est, en fin de compte, une protection contre la crise.La première partie de ce travail traite de la période allant de Ricardo à Marx. Dans un premierchapitre, est exposé le modèle de Ricardo et les critiques qui l’ont accompagné. Au nombre de sesdétracteurs figure Marx dont notre deuxième chapitre montre que la théorie peut être lue commeappelant au protectionnisme dès lors que son analyse est replacée dans un objectif de survie ducapitalisme. La seconde partie justifie l’existence et démontre le bien-fondé d’un protectionnismekeynésien. Le troisième chapitre établit la découverte, par Keynes, de la nécessité de proposer unprotectionnisme de sauvegarde et montre que cette conclusion a été largement perdue de vue dansles interprétations de sa pensée. Enfin, le quatrième chapitre, par une lecture circuitiste de Keynes,met en garde contre les effets pervers du libre-échange sur les deux composantes essentielles de lademande que sont la consommation et surtout l’investissement. / This thesis aims to show that, despite separate analyses, Marx and Keynes support a similarconclusion which preserves a meaning today : the ultimate cause of the crisis is excessive competition.It follows that protectionism as a regulation of the effects of competition on national economyis ultimately a protection against the crisis. The first part of this work covers the period fromRicardo to Marx. The first chapter outlines the Ricardo model and the criticisms who accompaniedit. Marx was part of these detractors. From a survival of capitalism perspective, the secondchapter shows that his theory can be interpreted as a call for protectionism. The second part justifiesthe existence and demonstrates the validity of Keynesian protectionism. The third chapterestablishes the Keynes’ discovery of the necessity to use protection as a guarantee against crises.This conclusion has been widely lost sight of by those who interpreted his thought. Finally chapterfour warns against the negative effects of free trade on two essential components of demand namelyconsumption and, foremost, investment. We do so using a circuitist approach.

Submitted by Gisely Teixeira (gisely.teixeira@uniceub.br) on 2016-11-29T17:40:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rayanne Silva (rayanne.silva@uniceub.br) on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T22:40:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 60000192.pdf: 489635 bytes, checksum: e9b0f0d1beec3d15f8f6482995f7d4d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / A presente dissertação explora o tema do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, com o objetivo de identificar as forças conflituosas que direcionam o rumo das negociações no âmbito da Organização Mundial de Comércio. Toma-se a dicotomia Norte-Sul como ponto de partida. Tendo em vista que o estudo se concentra na história, percebe-se que, aos menos nas primeiras cinco décadas de operação do GATT, outras conformações antagônicas detêm maior influência sobre o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. O embate entre Estados Unidos e Comunidade Européia na década de oitenta é fundamental para entender a sistemática do Acordo Agrícola em vigência. Com o aumento do interesse de países em desenvolvimento, o cenário muda nas negociações da Rodada Doha. O uso mais freqüente de elementos como tratamento preferencial, não reciprocidade e discriminação positiva em benefício de países de baixa renda torna o diálogo Norte-Sul mais relevante ao se analisar o regime do comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas. No entanto, reconhece-se que a tensão entre economias centrais continua exercendo um papel fundamental nesse tocante.

Tendecies to protectionism appeared in all crisis so far. The current one is no exception. Used protecting tools are the characteristics what differentiate them. The most used tools are non-tarrif measures, especially technical. Governments also applied stimulus packages which often included buy-national type of activities. The thesis concetrates on the roots of the changed pattern in the global economy. It investigates the influence of WTO, which liberalizes the world trade on the multilateral basis. On the other hand, the thesis focuses on regionalism and regional integrations, that liberalize trade only among few involved countries. The thesis also reflects the division of the world to developing and developed countries and describes differences in used measures. The case study investigates the North American Free Trade Agreement, which includes one developing and two developed countries. It also includes the world's biggest economy, whose behaviour heavily impacts the development of the global economy as a whole. This example illustrates differences in the measures used by governments of developing and developed coutries. It analyses influence of a regional integration to these measures and compares it to the influence of WTO. The possibilities of further enlargement of the free trade area and of involving the member countries to other integrations are reflected as well.

As regras eleitorais podem afetar o nível de proteção comercial em países democráticos? Estudos recentes indicam que, no que diz respeito ao protecionismo comercial, as instituições eleitorais importam. No entanto, diante de uma análise mais detalhada da literatura, é possível perceber que não há uma teoria prevalecente e que os resultados apresentados são ainda contraditórios. Nesta tese, objetiva-se resolver esse problema teórico e empírico que envolve representação política e protecionismo comercial testando pressupostos da literatura e apresentando explicações alternativas. A primeira parte do estudo aborda problema específico que, indiretamente, serviu de incentivo para a segunda etapa. A questão que se busca responder pode ser resumida na seguinte indagação: o tamanho do distrito eleitoral é um bom preditor para as preferências em matéria de política comercial do legislador? A pergunta trata, diretamente, da Constituency Size Assumption, um pressuposto que é amplamente aceito pela literatura de Economia Política Internacional (EPI). De acordo com essa abordagem, quanto maior o distrito, maior a probabilidade de o legislador se mostrar favorável ao livre-comércio, uma vez que ele estaria insulado em relação a grupos de interesses. Em distritos menores, no entanto, legisladores poderiam ser tornar, mais facilmente, reféns de interesses particularistas, fato que resultaria em posições protecionistas. Nesta parte, foi proposto o estudo dos casos brasileiros e chileno, levando em consideração as votações nominais de deputados e senadores. Corroborando os achados da literatura, também não foram encontradas evidências para validar a teoria diante da análise de votos nominais entre os anos de 1995 e 2010, para o Brasil, e entre 1996 e 2006, para o Chile. Na segunda parte, apresenta-se o modelo Stigler-Peltzman (S-P) de regulação, tal qual formalizado por Chang et al. em Electoral Systems and the Balance of Consumer-Producer Power, como uma possível solução para se entender a relação entre os incentivos gerados pelos sistemas eleitorais e os níveis de proteção comercial em democracias. Após adaptar o modelo para a área de política comercial, este foi testado empiricamente em 37 democracias entre os anos de 1995 e 2008, quando se estimou o efeito do nível de responsividade dos sistemas eleitorais - desproporcionalidade eleitoral - sobre o nível de proteção tarifária. Os achados indicam que quanto maior a taxa de proporcionalidade entre cadeiras e votos obtidos gerada pelos sistemas eleitorais, maior o nível de proteção que os governantes eleitos irão oferecer aos grupos de interesses, especialmente em democracias não-presidencialistas. / Do electoral rules affect the level of trade protection in democratic countries? Recent studies indicate that, when it comes to trade protection, electoral systems do matter; however, a thorough analysis of the literature unveils the fact that competing theories and mixed findings still prevail. In this dissertation, I intend to solve the empirical and theoretical puzzle involving political representation and trade policy by offering and testing an alternative explanation. In the first part, I investigate a more specific problem, which, indirectly, was an incentive to develop the second part. The question I attempt to answer is: Does the electoral district size affect legislator\'s preference in trade policy? The question is related to the Constituency Size Assumption, which is widely accepted in the International Political Economy (IPE) literature. Accordingly, the larger the constituency, the more prone the legislator will be to free trade, given that he will be insulated from special interests. Smaller constituencies, however, would lead to concern for particularistic interests, which would result in a protectionist position. Until recently, few studies have proposed empirical analyses of this relationship, and those who have accomplished the feat of presenting findings that cast doubt on the validity of this assumption, have been restricted to the US Congress. In this section, I test the constituency size theory in Brazil and Chile, contrasting vote preference with the trade policy of Representatives and Senators. I found no evidence of the theory\'s validity. The empirical analysis is based on rollcall votes from 1995 to 2010 (Brazil) and from 1996 to 2006 (Chile), in which we compared trade-related bills voted in both Houses. In the second part of this work, I present as an answer to the puzzle the Stigler-Peltzman (S-P) analysis of regulation, formalized by Chang et al. in Electoral Systems and the Balance of Consumer-Producer Power. Adapting their model, I evaluate the effect of electoral institutions on the level of trade protection. More specifically, I analyze 37 democracies from 1995 to 2008 and estimate the effect of electoral systems\' level of responsiveness - electoral disproportionality - on trade protection. The findings indicate that the higher the rate of proportionality created by electoral institutions, the greater the level of protection that politicians will provide for special interest groups, especially in non-presidential democracies.

在毛澤東的極權主義政權之下，中共的中央與地方關係經過不斷地改變過程。不過，雖然經過「大躍進」和「文化大革命」時期的權力下放和中間的收權，中共的中央與地放一直屬於上傳下達的隸屬關係。到鄧小平時代，中共推動經濟改革政策，為了成功地實行經濟改革，在多方面採取權力下放的措施。其中最重要的措施是「放權讓利」的財政體制改革和計劃體制改革。其結果，在很多方面獲得成功，且給地方很大的自主性。不過也有負面的現象，而且這些現象成為阻礙經濟改革的主要素。其中明現的現象是「地方保護主義」、「諸侯經濟」等的現象。地方保護主義是指從狹隘的局部利益出發，採取不合理的干預手段和措施，人為地製造障礙、限制、封鎖區際間相互貿易，割裂區際間資源技術、市場等的經濟聯繫。地方保護主義對中央與地方關係的影響深大。地方的自主性擴大導致地方主義之抬頭，影響到中央宏觀調控能力之弱化。因此中共中央採取整頓措施，不過這些整頓措施反而阻礙經濟改革的速度，而且遭到地方的抵制與反抗。中共十四大以後提出「社會主義市場經濟」的概念，加強經濟改革的速度，中央與地方關係也隨著待重構。

<p>Debatten om hur oljan skall ersättas i Sverige till år 2020 pågår. Ett diskuterat alternativ är etanol, vars förbrukning förväntas öka. Sveriges etanolproduktion är beroende av EU:s tullstruktur, utan den blir fabrikerna i Sverige utkonkurrerade. Samtidigt är Sveriges handelspolitiska utgångspunkt att alla former av handelshinder skall motverkas. Om man skall satsa på en inhemsk produktion av etanol måste man gå emot handelspolitiken och inte propagera för en frihandel. Sverige står inför ett vägval där endast ett val av två önskade går att uppfylla.</p><p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Sveriges interna diskussion, bland närmast berörda intressenter såsom politiker, tjänstemän, näringsliv och intresseorganisationer, om detta vägval. Vidare ska policydokument såsom handelspolitiska och energipolitiska dokument undersökas. Närmare ska vi undersöka vilka argument som framträder för en frihandelslinje respektive argument för en inhemsk produktion. Detta för att argumenten kan påvisa vilka värden som innefattas i de båda vägarna.</p><p>Textanalysen påvisade att den frihandelsvänliga linje som Sveriges handelspolitik representerar, ifrågasätts av både Sveriges nya förslag för att uppnå ett oljeoberoende och EU:s förslag till energistrategi. Kontentan av analysen är att det i dagsläget saknas en genomtänkt strategi för hur Sverige skall trygga behovet av etanol.</p><p>Resultatet av intervjuanalysen visar att argumenten som framträder är av en art som stöder en fri handel men också sådana som vurmar för en inhemsk produktion. Dock är man överens om att en frihandel inom denna sektor skulle vara gynnsamt för u-länders utveckling och även att arbetstillfällen och landsbygdsutveckling skulle gynnas av en inhemsk etanolindustri.</p>

Debatten om hur oljan skall ersättas i Sverige till år 2020 pågår. Ett diskuterat alternativ är etanol, vars förbrukning förväntas öka. Sveriges etanolproduktion är beroende av EU:s tullstruktur, utan den blir fabrikerna i Sverige utkonkurrerade. Samtidigt är Sveriges handelspolitiska utgångspunkt att alla former av handelshinder skall motverkas. Om man skall satsa på en inhemsk produktion av etanol måste man gå emot handelspolitiken och inte propagera för en frihandel. Sverige står inför ett vägval där endast ett val av två önskade går att uppfylla. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Sveriges interna diskussion, bland närmast berörda intressenter såsom politiker, tjänstemän, näringsliv och intresseorganisationer, om detta vägval. Vidare ska policydokument såsom handelspolitiska och energipolitiska dokument undersökas. Närmare ska vi undersöka vilka argument som framträder för en frihandelslinje respektive argument för en inhemsk produktion. Detta för att argumenten kan påvisa vilka värden som innefattas i de båda vägarna. Textanalysen påvisade att den frihandelsvänliga linje som Sveriges handelspolitik representerar, ifrågasätts av både Sveriges nya förslag för att uppnå ett oljeoberoende och EU:s förslag till energistrategi. Kontentan av analysen är att det i dagsläget saknas en genomtänkt strategi för hur Sverige skall trygga behovet av etanol. Resultatet av intervjuanalysen visar att argumenten som framträder är av en art som stöder en fri handel men också sådana som vurmar för en inhemsk produktion. Dock är man överens om att en frihandel inom denna sektor skulle vara gynnsamt för u-länders utveckling och även att arbetstillfällen och landsbygdsutveckling skulle gynnas av en inhemsk etanolindustri.