The introduction of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed between China and Taiwan in 2010 has added a significantly important economic element to cross-strait relations. Little research has been done on cross-strait integration from an economic standpoint, and to analyze the potential for successful economic integration between the parties it is necessary to determine whether their political economies are compatible for integration. In this research comparative studies of the political economies of Taiwan and China are conducted with focuses on industrial orientation, market mechanisms, and the motivations driving major economic actors. This research focuses on Fujian and Guangdong, Taiwan’s closest economic partners on the mainland and the cornerstones of Beijing’s integration incentives, with a minor study conducted on Hong Kong-China integration due to similarities of economic integration mechanisms. This study uses models constructed by scholars on Chinese provincial protectionism and trade barriers to determine whether Taiwanese integration with the “Common China Market” will be mutually beneficial for the economies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Economic indicators, trade trends, and economic policy incentives indicate that integration under ECFA is amplifying trade asymmetries and is stalling real economic growth in Taiwan. Findings also show that trade liberalization has allowed major trade barrier and protectionism-creating phenomena that were once limited to the mainland to contribute to cross-strait competition regime among the economies studied. This research contributes to the fledgling body of academic research on cross-strait economic integration and its impact on the parties directly impacted by it. Implications of this study show that it would be beneficial for the speed of ECFA integration to be reigned in, and for Taiwan to use the trade agreement as a counter to pursue bilateral regional trade that can ensure its competitiveness.

國際貿易會決定國內不同行為者的利益分配，促使國內產生主張自由貿易與支持保護主義的陣營，進而影響貿易政策的制訂。本論文以紡織品貿易為主題，首先闡述保護主義為何在貿易自由化浪潮中，依舊能夠貫穿20世紀後半葉的紡織品貿易，卻又在1990年代末期開始式微；其次，本論文分析當全球紡織品貿易於2005年全面取消配額之後，中國紡織品的大量出口，如何引發進口國內部保護主義勢力的反撲，令歐盟和美國先後和中國重新展開紡織品配額談判。最後，本論文分析歐、美境內自由貿易與保護主義兩個陣營，如何影響和中國的談判結果，並藉此比較具有不同制度的經濟體，如何回應國際經濟秩序的變化。 本文援引Robert Putnam所提出的「雙層賽局」分析架構，並進一步討論國內制度如何國際談判產生影響。經研究後發現，歐盟和美國內部的政治聯盟是影響談判結果的重要因素。這兩起談判雖然都源於本國紡織業者在受到中國紡織品的強力挑戰之後，進而要求政府必須出面解決這個問題，但是，由於歐盟和美國內部政治制度設計的不同，讓不同陣營有不同的施力空間，最後使得兩起談判結果有所差異。在歐盟方面，紡織產業和進口商之間的衝突，透過歐盟尊重多元的政治制度設計而有了旗鼓相當的局勢，因此歐盟執委會出面和中國談判之前，必須兼顧這兩個陣營的利益，令歐盟和中國的談判結果較有利於中國紡織品出口。但是在美國方面，儘管進口商和紡織業者之間的利益也是有所衝突，不過紡織業者最後透過政治運作而佔了上風，加上美國政府也希望藉由限制中國紡織品來降低對中國的貿易逆差，使得中美談判的結果對中國較為嚴格，具有濃厚的保護主義色彩。 / International trade distributes various interests to actors, who then form two camps supporting free trade and protectionism, respectively. Both two camps also influence the decision-making of trade policy. This thesis focuses on textile trade and analyzes why protectionism could prevail in the textile trade during the second half of 20th century, and why it declined in the end of 1990s. Second, this thesis analyzes how China’s considerable textile exports after 2005 incur resistances of protectionists in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). Those protectionists request their government to negotiate with China on textile products. However, those requests attract the counterpunches from supporters of free trade. By rendering the “Two-level Game Theory”, this thesis discovers that the domestic coalitions in the EU and the US significantly determine the results of negotiations. Although both negotiations result from powerful challenges of Chinese textile products, the EU and the US have their own institutional designs and then take different responses. In the EU, conflicts between textile industry and textile importers are of approximately equal strength. The European Commission has to hold an eclectic position between the supporters of free trade and protectionists. As a result, the results of EU-Sino negotiation favor China’s textile export to the European market. On the other hand, even though there are conflicts between textile producers and importers, producers get the upper hand by lobbying politicians. In addition, because the US government also intends to reduce the US’ tremendous trade deficit with China by limiting China’s textile product, the US-Sino textile quota negotiation is much more protectionism-oriented.

This thesis examines US protectionism in the 1980s from Canadian and American perspectives, and its role in Canada’s pursuit of the historic 1988 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement. It analyzes the perceived “threat” of protectionism and evaluates the agreement’s provisions against Canada’s goal of securing access to the US market. It contends that US protectionism was crucial in the Mulroney government’s decision to negotiate a bilateral agreement and was a contentious issue for the agreement’s critics. US sources, unexamined in existing historiography, confirm the increased threat of American protectionism, but emphasize a distinction between the threat and implementation of protectionist trade law. Although the agreement did not shield Canada from US trade remedies, Canada gained important presence in the trade dispute process. These conclusions are drawn from Canadian and American media and government documents, 1980s academic and think-tank commentary, legal documents, the memoirs and diaries of major players, and select archival sources.

This thesis examines US protectionism in the 1980s from Canadian and American perspectives, and its role in Canada’s pursuit of the historic 1988 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement. It analyzes the perceived “threat” of protectionism and evaluates the agreement’s provisions against Canada’s goal of securing access to the US market. It contends that US protectionism was crucial in the Mulroney government’s decision to negotiate a bilateral agreement and was a contentious issue for the agreement’s critics. US sources, unexamined in existing historiography, confirm the increased threat of American protectionism, but emphasize a distinction between the threat and implementation of protectionist trade law. Although the agreement did not shield Canada from US trade remedies, Canada gained important presence in the trade dispute process. These conclusions are drawn from Canadian and American media and government documents, 1980s academic and think-tank commentary, legal documents, the memoirs and diaries of major players, and select archival sources.

隨著人口增長以及人口老化速度加劇，全球藥品消費需求快速成長。生物藥品因其具有針對特定疾病之專一性，在治療病毒性肝炎、癌症及後天免疫缺乏症候群（Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome，AIDS）等重大疾病上擁有相當大的發展潛力。除了積極研發全新生物藥品之外，我國生技製藥廠商亦將注意力放到生物相似性藥品的研發上。 但因我國藥品內需市場規模較小，一旦成功研發出生物相似性藥品，若無法將其外銷至海外市場，恐不能弭平鉅額的前期投入。而進入國際市場之際，倘若未制定適宜的進入策略，卻又極可能會以失敗收場。 基於生物相似性藥品本身之特性與法律上之定義，其研發藥廠在進入市場的順序上係處於後進者之地位。但為了成為早期追隨者而搶占部分先驅者優勢，廠商必須選擇恰當的進入模式及進入時機並適時的調整之。而進入障礙對於進入策略之擬定有相當大的影響，尤其以生物相似性藥品市場而言，影響最為深刻的是制度性的進入障礙。 本研究以全球前二大藥品市場─美國、中國大陸為標的，探討我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商進入海外生物相似性藥品市場時，所需跨越的制度性進入障礙可能為何？其他跨國性藥廠在面臨上述制度性進入障礙時，係採取何種因應方法，以及如何調整其進入策略？並從中總結出，對於我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商而言，較為可行的市場進入策略。 經研究分析後，本研究認為，生物相似性藥品市場的制度性進入障礙係來自於東道國的保護主義、專利相關法規與解決專利爭議之機制有所缺漏或偏頗，以及藥品上市審查及藥價管理相關法律規範過於嚴苛或過於鬆散。 而跨國性藥廠因有較充裕的資金及專利訴訟經驗，因此在面對因專利所形成之制度性進入障礙時，可以訴訟或法定行政程序等合法方式克服該專利障礙。對於藥品上市審查法規之要求，則可透過加大投資以求符合法規標準。至於東道國的保護主義，則多藉由與當地企業進行合作、成立合資企業等方式，突破該進入障礙。 因我國生物相似性藥品研發廠商之規模較小，較難獨自克服各生物相似性藥品市場的制度性進入障礙，所以在進入策略上，本研究建議，可積極尋求與原廠或國際生物相似性藥品研發廠商合作，致力於發展全新生物藥品。或是透過兩岸合作研發，於奠定一定基礎後，進一步開拓生物相似性藥品的海外市場。

Denna uppsats rör sig inom fältet kritiska kulturarvsstudier och fokuserar på svensk utförselreglering av kulturhistoriska föremål genom tiderna. Utgångspunkten ligger i 2014 års omformulering av kulturmiljölagens portalparagraf, vilken numera inkluderar mångfaldsmål. Kulturmiljölagens utförselreglering (reglerad i 5:e kapitlet), som inte uppdaterades samtidigt, är tänkt att läsas mot bakgrund av de inledande bestämmelserna. Eftersom den sedan tidigare uppfattats vila på ålderdomliga nationalistiska värdegrunder, uppstod frågan ifall det fanns en diskrepans i förhållande till de nya målen. För att hitta svar söker sig uppsatsen tillbaka till utförselregleringens formativa moment samt förändring från 1920-talet och framåt och sätter detta i relation till nuvarande kulturpolitiska mål och kulturvård i dagens samhälle. Motiv till utförselreglering men också vilka föremålstyper som skyddats genom tiderna har studerats, analyserats och jämförts kvalitativt. Källmaterialet utgörs framförallt av lagtexter, statliga offentliga utredningar och propositioner. Undersökningen visar att lagen från att ha skyddat ett fåtal föremåltyper succesivt har utökats och detaljerats både vad gäller föremålstyp, ålder, värde och ursprung. Med den högre graden särskiljning och utpekande följer problematik kring vad som räknas in och inte. Vissa traditionellt högt värderade föremålstyper och perioder har skyddats hela tiden medan andra mindre värderade konsekvent har uteslutits, trots långt gånga diskussioner om en mer inkluderande lagstiftning redan i tidiga förarbeten. Den breddade synen kring vad som är bevarandevärt, vilken kan skönjas i museers nutida insamlingspolicys, återspeglas inte i lagtexten. Istället har tydliga ekonomiska, kulturella, etniska och åldersmässiga hierarkier skapats. Flytt från en ursprunglig historisk miljö till en annan plats i Sverige kan orsaka skador på kulturarvet som är större än de skador som kan uppstå om ett föremål som redan flyttats från sin ursprungliga miljö istället flyttas utomlands, något som ignoreras i lagtexten. Lagen utgår ifrån att vissa föremål är svenska folkets egendom och att nationen Sverige är en trygg, ursprunglig och naturlig miljö för dem trots att motsatsen ofta har bevisats. En paradox skönjas i det faktum att vanskötsel och förvanskning av värdefulla och utförselskyddade kulturföremål inte är olagligt, så länge föremålet stannar innanför landsgränsen. De kulturpolitiska målen har alltsedan 1970-talets slut påverkat de uttalade motiven till utförsellagstiftningen. Eftersom ålderdomliga värdegrunder och normer, däribland en hel del nationalistiska sådana, där svensk kultur ses som tydlig avgränsad, högtstående och suverän, fortfarande lyser igenom i utförsellagstiftningen, tydliggörs tendensen till en retorisk men inte grundläggande förändring inom kulturarvssektorn. Hypotesen om att kapitel 5 fortfarande står på en grund av nationalistiska värderingar, nationell protektionism och nationellt identitetsskapande kan därmed sägas stämma. / This paper is located in the field of critical heritage studies and focusses on Swedish cultural heritage law and the export control of moveable heritage objects. The starting point for the research lies in the 2014 redrafting of the opening section of the cultural heritage law, which for the first time includes objectives relating to pluralism and diversity. Export control (which is regulated in the 5th chapter of the cultural heritage law), was not updated at the same time, but it is nevertheless intended to be read in the light of the preliminary provisions. Since chapter 5 previously was perceived to rest on outdated nationalistic values, the question arise as to whether there is a discrepancy in relation to the new objectives that were formulated in 2014. In order to address the question the study looks back at the formative moments and change of the export control regulations from the 1920s onwards and relates this to current cultural policy objectives and goals of conservation. The motives for export control and the type of objects protected through the ages are analysed and compared qualitatively. The source material primarily consists of legal documents, state government investigations and government bills. The study shows that the law gradually changed from protecting a few object types to become more expansive and detailed in terms of the type of artifact and it´s age, value, and origin. This increased degree of segregation and designation leads to concerns relating to what is included and what is not. Some traditionally highly valued object types and periods have continued to be protected whilst others are consistently less valued and excluded, despite ongoing discussions about the need for a more inclusive legislation since the early preparatory work. The broadened idea about what is worth preserving, which can be seen in the contemporary collection policies of museums, is not reflected in the legislation. Instead evident economic, cultural, ethnic and age hierarchies have been created. The law ignores the fact that moving an artifact from its original historical setting to another location in Sweden can cause greater harm than moving an object that has already been moved from its original location overseas. Instead the law assumes that certain objects are the property of the Swedish people and that the nation of Sweden is a safe, original and “natural” environment for them, despite the fact that the opposite often proves to be the case. A paradox is evident in the fact that the mismanagement and distortion of valuable artifacts that are protected against export is not illegal, as long as the object stays inside the borders of Sweden. Cultural policy objectives have, since the late 1970s, influenced the stated rationale for cultural heritage law and export legislation. Since outdated values and standards, including numerous nationalistic ones, where Swedish culture is seen as being distinct, high-cult and sovereign, still shines through in the export legislation, it is clear that there is a tendency to a rhetorical but not a fundamental change in parts of the cultural heritage sector, including the legislative context. The hypothesis that chapter 5 is still underpinned and characterised by nationalistic values, national protectionism and the creation of national identity can thus be said to be proven.

Agriculture plays a major role in development, as it creates jobs, develops the economy and reduces poverty. An important drawback in agriculture in South Africa is access to agricultural land and other agricultural resources by African farmers. Many African farmers still own small units of land, which are still mostly used for subsistence farming. These racial inequalities in the agricultural sector date back to colonial and apartheid eras. During the apartheid era, government policies separated white farmers from black farmers resulting in an unequal spatial distribution of farming and development in the country. The post-apartheid government that came into power in 1994 was committed to the eradication of racial legislation and implemented new agricultural policies. Twenty years later many inequalities still exit within the agricultural sector. There is a need to investigate the social and spatial inequalities in the emerging farming section. Since the Limpopo province is one of the poorest provinces in South Africa, consisting of large areas of former homelands, the aim of this research is to investigate and describe the impact of the implementation of agricultural policies on the spatial distribution of the emerging farming sector in the Mopani District of the Limpopo province. This research was done within the framework of the post-modernism paradigm. The study used mostly qualitative data but some quantitative data and methods were also used. Primary data was collected from sampled emerging farmers in the Mopani district, some officials from the local municipality and one provincial official. Evidence from analysed data indicated that the uneven spatial distribution of farms still exists despite numerous policies and programmes implemented by government through its provinces, and local and district municipalities. Structurally there is a lack of proper coordination, inadequate provision of both human and material resources, monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of policies and programmes are some contributory factors. It is recommended that policies be implemented that strategically target investment and infrastructural development to reduce poverty, unemployment and uneven spatial distribution of farms in the Mopani district municipalities in the Limpopo province. / Geography / 1 online resource (xvi, 128 leaves) : color maps / D. Phil. (Geography)

In the past two years, a Taiwan-based adhesive manufacturer confronted significant declines in sales for the U.S. market. The purpose of the study is to propose alternative strategies for the manufacturer in expanding the U.S. adhesive market and to assess the best strategies to be implemented. The Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix (QSPM), a managerial assessment tool that determines the relative attractiveness of different strategies based on a firm’s external and internal factors, was adopted as the methodology. The results revealed that working with alternative agents is the most suitable strategic decision. The selected strategy is two percent better than strategy one: Build a factory in the U.S., eight percent better than strategy two: Maintain and strengthen the existing ODM model, eleven percent better than strategy three: Acquire the current agent, and twenty percent better than strategy five: Supply from the JV factory in India. The study findings may serve as a guide for the management team to construct their market development plan for the U.S. market.

Cette étude est à replacer dans le débat sur le retard de l’agriculture française à la veille de la première guerre mondiale, et dans la façon d’aborder cette analyse, entre la macro et la micro-histoire. L’économie du blé au XIXe siècle est une des portes d’entrée de l’analyse. Le blé, culture alimentaire de première nécessité, couvrait la plus grande partie des terres labourables, alimentait des très nombreux moulins, donnait naissance à un trafic de grande envergure tant national qu’international, et se retrouvait, sous forme de pain, dans l’alimentation de tous les foyers. L’impact de cette céréale était si important, que la priorité de tous les gouvernements, était de nourrir en priorité le peuple de cette denrée pour assurer la paix sociale. Ainsi donc, d’un aspect agricole, on passait d’emblée à un aspect politique et social de l’étude. La façon dont le blé était collecté, emmagasiné, distribué, déterminait un marché, plus ou moins ouvert selon que les récoltes s’avéraient suffisantes, ou insuffisantes. L’étude ouvrait donc sur la politique commerciale de la France. Les revenus des producteurs de blé étaient fonction de leur place dans le marché, leurs gains dépendaient de l’élasticité du marché, de la loi de l’offre et de la demande, et des exigences des donneurs d’ordre. L’aspect économique de la question prenait tout son sens. Enfin, la quantité de blé récolté et livré était fonction de la taille de l’exploitation, de l’agencement des terres, de leur qualité et de l’habilité du paysan à optimiser les rendements. L’aspect purement agraire et technique de la production s’avéraient être un préalable à la réflexion. Autant de sujets de réflexion encore d’actualité. / This study is part of the debate about The French agriculture backwardness before the First World War, and in the way to situate this analysis between macro and micro history. Wheat economy in the XIXth century is one of the introductions to this analysis. Wheat, being the essential food producing farming, was grown on most of the cultivated lands. It supplied a lot of granaries, gave birth to a tremendous national and international trade and was essentially dedicated to the making of bread for families. The impact of that cereal was so important that the governments’ priority was to feed the population to maintain social peace. Consequently the agricultural subject of our analysis implied to consider the political and social aspect of it. The way wheat was collected, stored, distributed and finally delivered, implied a market, more or less opened, depending on plentiful or insufficient harvests. The study opened on the French external commercial policy. The incomes of wheat producers depended on their situation on the market, their incomes depended on the fluctuations of the market, offer and supply and the demands of the principals. The economical aspect was quite meaningful. Finally, the quantity of wheat sales depended on the sizes of farms, their situation, their quality and the ability of peasants to increase the yields. The mere agricultural and technical aspect of production could not be avoided and turned out to be prior to our reflection. That sort of questioning is quite valid in the present day world.

Uppsatsen syfte är att ta reda på ifall den Europeiska Unionens (EU) handelspolicy för den interna respektive den externa marknaden följer den liberala retoriken som förs av unionen. Det är en komparativ fallstudie som använder sig av idealtyper för att ge en nyanserad bild av unionens handelspolicy. Det teoretiska ramverket som används för att framställa dessa idealtyper är merkantilism samt liberalism. Idealtyperna appliceras sedan på de två fallen. Fokus för studien ligger på tiden mellan Lissabonfördraget och 2012 innan den senaste utvidgningen till 28 medlemsstater ägde rum. I analysen kan man se delar av båda teorierna i varierande grad. Avslutningsvis diskuteras i vilken grad de båda teorierna influerar EU:s handelspolicy för den inre samt yttre marknaden. I resultatet kan man se att liberalismen genomsyrar stora delar av EU:s handelspolicy, men att det finns merkantilistiska undertoner i ett flertal olika områden. / The aim with this thesis is to find out whether the European Union (EU) trade policy for the internal and the external market comply with the liberal rhetoric that is conducted by the Union. It is a comparative case study based on ideal types to give the reader a nuanced view of EU:s trade policy. The theoretical framework that is being used to produce the ideal types is mercantilism and liberalism. Consequently, the ideal types are being applied on the two cases. The focus of the study is the time between the Lisbon Treaty and 2012, before the recent enlargement to 28 member states took place. In the analysis, one can see portions of both theories in varying degrees. Finally, the extent of how liberalism and mercantilism influences EU:s trade policy for the internal and the external market is being discussed. The result of the thesis show that liberalism influence most parts of the trade policy, but there are also some mercantilist undertones in several areas.