Denna uppsats har för avsikt att närmare undersöka hur ursprungsregler inom det multilaterala handelssystemet är utformade, hur de tillämpas och om de kan tänkas användas på ett protektionistisk eller diskriminerande sätt och därför utgöra handelshinder. Det har under arbetets gång visat sig att det finns belägg för att ursprungsreglerna är mycket komplexa och svårhanterliga i många avseenden och att de administrativa procedurerna kring ursprungsregler är kunskapskrävande, tidskrävande och kostsamma. Att länder själva ges möjligheten att utforma ursprungsregler medför också risker för att reglerna används på ett protektionistiskt sätt även om de länder som antagit WTO:s avtal om ursprungsregler underkastat sig att respektera och följa de grundläggande riktlinjer och principer som avtalet om ursprungsregler bygger på. Att reglerna kan sägas vara diskriminerande har också mycket att göra med komplexiteten på regelverken i fråga och i många avseenden drabbas utvecklingsländerna till stor utsträckning som enligt studier lider viss brist på expertis inom området och som därför också har svårt att göra sin röst hörd vid förhandlingar kring ursprungsregler.

After the last European Union expansion the east European countries became members of the European Union. This meant that they would become apart of the Schengen agreement and that they would be able to travel, live and work anywhere in Europe. This came as a shock to the Scandinavian trade unions that were worried that work migration would escalate, and that it would lead to social dumping, which would make the working conditions worse for the native workers. . The Swedish labour market is build up by the principal of negotiations. The evolution of the labour laws comes from the rules and regulations of collective agreements. The Lex Britannia principal was made to regulate the working conditions for guest workers in Sweden, by making it possible for trade unions to take industrial action against foreign companies to make them sign a Swedish collective agreement. Even though Swedish labour law includes an obligation to maintain industrial peace it is not valid for foreign companies. In the Laval- case the European court of justice judge that the Lex Britannia principles is not consistent with EC- law and that the Swedish labour law violate the principles of free movement and the posting of workers directive. By comparing the Swedish labour laws and regulations on collective agreements, laws and regulations on remuneration to the Latvian labour laws and regulations on collective agreements and laws and regulations on remuneration, the study have shown that the countries have a lot in common at the same time they differ quite allot. The similarities may in many cases be an effect of the common EC- laws and regulations. The conclusion came to be that do to its history of forming and develop the rules and regulations of the Swedish labour market the Swedish trade unions have a strong position in the Swedish labour market. The Swedish labour market may therefore show tendencies of protectionism at the same time that the young labour market, the young labour laws and weak trade unions of Latvia shows tendencies of social dumping.

<p>After the last European Union expansion the east European countries became members of the European Union. This meant that they would become apart of the Schengen agreement and that they would be able to travel, live and work anywhere in Europe. This came as a shock to</p><p>the Scandinavian trade unions that were worried that work migration would escalate, and that it would lead to social dumping, which would make the working conditions worse for the native workers. .</p><p>The Swedish labour market is build up by the principal of negotiations. The evolution of the labour laws comes from the rules and regulations of collective agreements.</p><p>The Lex Britannia principal was made to regulate the working conditions for guest workers in Sweden, by making it possible for trade unions to take industrial action against foreign companies to make them sign a Swedish collective agreement.</p><p>Even though Swedish labour law includes an obligation to maintain industrial peace it is not valid for foreign companies. In the Laval- case the European court of justice judge that the Lex Britannia principles is not consistent with EC- law and that the Swedish labour law violate the principles of free movement and the posting of workers directive.</p><p>By comparing the Swedish labour laws and regulations on collective agreements, laws and regulations on remuneration to the Latvian labour laws and regulations on collective agreements and laws and regulations on remuneration, the study have shown that the countries have a lot in common at the same time they differ quite allot. The similarities may in many cases be an effect of the common EC- laws and regulations.</p><p>The conclusion came to be that do to its history of forming and develop the rules and regulations of the Swedish labour market the Swedish trade unions have a strong position in the Swedish labour market. The Swedish labour market may therefore show</p><p>tendencies of protectionism at the same time that the young labour market, the young labour laws and weak trade unions of Latvia shows tendencies of social dumping.</p>

Since Donald Trump got elected as president of the United States in november 2016 there has been uncertainties concerning which foreign policy Trump intends to implement. Trump has been accused of being a populist and has himself been clear with his patriotic and nationalistic interests. The study has focused on the classical IR theory, realism and the trade policy theory protectionism. The analysis is based upon two speeches held by Trump in which he makes foreign policy statements. The first of the two speeches was held to the UN and the second upon the situation in the northern Syria. The two speeches got analyzed using ideal types based on offensive realism, defensive realism and protectionism. In summary president Donald Trump shows tendencies of implementing offensive neorealism to his foreign policy, he is also using protectionism to control Americas trade policy.

<p>Debatten om hur oljan skall ersättas i Sverige till år 2020 pågår. Ett diskuterat alternativ är etanol, vars förbrukning förväntas öka. Sveriges etanolproduktion är beroende av EU:s tullstruktur, utan den blir fabrikerna i Sverige utkonkurrerade. Samtidigt är Sveriges handelspolitiska utgångspunkt att alla former av handelshinder skall motverkas. Om man skall satsa på en inhemsk produktion av etanol måste man gå emot handelspolitiken och inte propagera för en frihandel. Sverige står inför ett vägval där endast ett val av två önskade går att uppfylla.</p><p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Sveriges interna diskussion, bland närmast berörda intressenter såsom politiker, tjänstemän, näringsliv och intresseorganisationer, om detta vägval. Vidare ska policydokument såsom handelspolitiska och energipolitiska dokument undersökas. Närmare ska vi undersöka vilka argument som framträder för en frihandelslinje respektive argument för en inhemsk produktion. Detta för att argumenten kan påvisa vilka värden som innefattas i de båda vägarna.</p><p>Textanalysen påvisade att den frihandelsvänliga linje som Sveriges handelspolitik representerar, ifrågasätts av både Sveriges nya förslag för att uppnå ett oljeoberoende och EU:s förslag till energistrategi. Kontentan av analysen är att det i dagsläget saknas en genomtänkt strategi för hur Sverige skall trygga behovet av etanol.</p><p>Resultatet av intervjuanalysen visar att argumenten som framträder är av en art som stöder en fri handel men också sådana som vurmar för en inhemsk produktion. Dock är man överens om att en frihandel inom denna sektor skulle vara gynnsamt för u-länders utveckling och även att arbetstillfällen och landsbygdsutveckling skulle gynnas av en inhemsk etanolindustri.</p>

<p>Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.</p>

Debatten om hur oljan skall ersättas i Sverige till år 2020 pågår. Ett diskuterat alternativ är etanol, vars förbrukning förväntas öka. Sveriges etanolproduktion är beroende av EU:s tullstruktur, utan den blir fabrikerna i Sverige utkonkurrerade. Samtidigt är Sveriges handelspolitiska utgångspunkt att alla former av handelshinder skall motverkas. Om man skall satsa på en inhemsk produktion av etanol måste man gå emot handelspolitiken och inte propagera för en frihandel. Sverige står inför ett vägval där endast ett val av två önskade går att uppfylla. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Sveriges interna diskussion, bland närmast berörda intressenter såsom politiker, tjänstemän, näringsliv och intresseorganisationer, om detta vägval. Vidare ska policydokument såsom handelspolitiska och energipolitiska dokument undersökas. Närmare ska vi undersöka vilka argument som framträder för en frihandelslinje respektive argument för en inhemsk produktion. Detta för att argumenten kan påvisa vilka värden som innefattas i de båda vägarna. Textanalysen påvisade att den frihandelsvänliga linje som Sveriges handelspolitik representerar, ifrågasätts av både Sveriges nya förslag för att uppnå ett oljeoberoende och EU:s förslag till energistrategi. Kontentan av analysen är att det i dagsläget saknas en genomtänkt strategi för hur Sverige skall trygga behovet av etanol. Resultatet av intervjuanalysen visar att argumenten som framträder är av en art som stöder en fri handel men också sådana som vurmar för en inhemsk produktion. Dock är man överens om att en frihandel inom denna sektor skulle vara gynnsamt för u-länders utveckling och även att arbetstillfällen och landsbygdsutveckling skulle gynnas av en inhemsk etanolindustri.

Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.

In the field of international trade there is an intriguing tension between the ideological allure of free trade and the political reality of protectionism. Typically, the former is favored by scholars while the latter has been more historically prevalent. Protectionism in the form of tariffs and other obstacles trade was generally a preferred trade policy around the globe in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Sweden was no exception and has been seen as highly protectionist and mercantilist during this period. This thesis has sought to shed new light on Swedish trade policy between 1780 and 1830. It has done so by quantifying and homogenizing tariffs and import bans in order to be able to analyze the structure of tariffs. The thesis stands on a theoretical ground which takes into account the different plausible reasons for setting tariffs. It has placed some emphasis on the possible tension between the desire to shelter one’s own industry from foreign competition and the need to use tariffs for fiscal purposes, as an important source of government revenue. It is therefore argued that tariffs need to be separated theoretically and empirically. A simple model is presented which aims to discern three types of tariffs. The model takes into account the tariff rate itself, and also the structure of trade and the presence of domestic substitution. The thesis has found that Swedish tariffs were generally high over the period and that protectionism was prevalent in a large number of economic sectors. There is tentative evidence that protectionist tariffs also distorted trade in certain types of goods, even if they didn’t have an impact on total import levels. Tariffs were also set so as to separate between raw materials and more processed goods, what is called mercantilist differentiation. Substantial empirical support is given to the claim that certain tariffs on inelastic consumption goods were of great fiscal importance, and increasingly so as the period progressed. The fiscal pressure maintained or even increased the import tariffs, which made it possible to decrease tariffs on exports.

The purpose of the study is to understand whether, and if so why, the Swedish medical profession's position on the availability and shortage of doctors during the 1950s and 1960s could be interpreted as an expression of an overall common mentality within the medical profession. The start and end points of the study (1950 and 1970) cover the emergence of the Swedish welfare state. The emergence of the welfare state is the contextual background to this study and how that influenced the medical profession's social status and perception of the future role of their own profession. The source material for the study is mainly from the Swedish medical journal (Svenska Läkartidningen) and meeting minutes from various Swedish medical organisations, primarily the Swedish Medical Association (Sveriges Läkarförbund). Government public inquiries, government bills and the daily press have also been analysed. The analysis is based on three central proposals for action from the government to secure the future supply of doctors and stem the shortage of doctors. The proposals were the transfer of foreign doctors to Sweden, the expansion of education of doctors and the reorganisation of the Swedish health care system. The study shows that the argumentation from the Swedish medical profession against all proposals from the government consisted of several different rhetorical manoeuvres to exercise social closure. Another conclusion is that until the mid-1960s, both the Swedish Association of Young Doctors and the Swedish Medical Association acted mainly as professional associations, rather than as traditional trade unions regarding the expansion of the medical profession. From the mid-1960s, there are tendencies indicating that the association more began to resemble a traditional trade union. However, professional issues such as improvement in the profession, demands for exclusivity, social status and issues of legitimisation appear to have been more important throughout the period than more traditional trade union issues such as pay, employment conditions and the working environment. The professions' opposition to increasing the number of doctors, regardless of the method proposed by the government and responsible authorities, was characterised by a clear guild spirit. The study shows that the medical organisation arguments against the various proposals were driven by union strategies, attitudes, and norms and in some cases ideology. The mentality of medical professional representatives and individual doctors was influenced by the professional status of the medical profession with inherent norms and attitudes based on the doctors' self-perceived expertise and scientifically anchored professional identity. A central conclusion from the study is that the main rhetorical line of the professional representatives was that more doctors were neither desirable nor needed in the medical profession and therefore most of the arguments against an expanded medical profession were based on some form of protectionism. This was justified by the profession by using historical analogies and by conducting their own 'objective and scientific' investigations. A right-wing based criticism of society at the time and a fundamentally conservative view of the economy, the tax system and the expansion of the welfare state also served as rhetorical tools from the medical profession in the debate on the shortage of doctors.