This thesis deals with possible convergence/divergence in evaluation of globalization between pro-market economists (represented by author of this thesis) on the one hand and Mr. Joseph Stiglitz (major American economist) on the other hand. Taken into account and scrutinized are hereby some selected aspects of globalization, namely those treated in Joseph Stiglitz's recent book Making Globalization Work. The author, on the basis of economic theory and its application on those selected aspects, comes to conclusions that differ completely from the ones of Mr. Stiglitz. Differences and divergences in conclusions between Mr. Stiglitz and the author stem, indeed, from their individual preferences in the field of economic theory.

A presente dissertação mostra como a desvalorização do real em 1999 afetou negativamente as relações comerciais entre Brasil e Argentina, impulsionando antigas demandas protecionistas por parte de empresários e políticos argentinos. De forma geral, os números do comércio bilateral comprovam que a temida invasão de produtos brasileiros ao mercado argentino nunca se concretizou. Entretanto, podemos constatar que a ausência de regras claras e de uma institucionalização de fato para o Mercosul abriu espaço para a utilização de medidas de anti-dumping e tentativa de adoção de salvaguardas dentro do bloco. Tais medidas ajudaram a reduzir o comércio bilateral, que sentiu também os efeitos da crise que se instalou na região, enfraquecendo o poder de compra dos consumidores e trazendo incertezas para os produtores. Essa dissertação mostra ainda que empresários e políticos de ambos os países travaram nos jornais uma guerra de acusações e ameaças, que dificultaram as negociações setoriais em andamento e colocaram em dúvida a viabilidade do Mercosul. / The present dissertation shows how the real?s devaluation in 1999 has adversely affected trade relations between Brazil and Argentina, inciting old protectionist demands from Argentine entrepreneurs and politicians. In a general way, the official numbers for bilateral trade prove that a feared invasion of Brazilian products into the Argentine market has never materialized. However, one can verify that the absence of clear rules and de facto institutionalization for the Mercosur has paved the way for the use of anti-dumping measures and attempts at adopting safeguard measures within the bloc. Such measures helped reduce bilateral trade, which was also hit by the crisis that struck the region, weakening consumer purchasing power and causing uncertainties among producers. This dissertation also shows that entrepreneurs and politicians from both countries waged a war of accusations and threats in newspapers, thus hampering industry-to-industry negotiations in progress and putting Mercosur?s viability in jeopardy.

Protectionism has become a hot topic in these years. Based on the data of China-U.S. trade war, this thesis explores the economic impact of protectionism on United States. The effect of U.S. protectionist measures on imports value, welfare change and employment has been estimated and the result shows although trade protection could bring benefits to the U.S. in the short term, it will cause substantial welfare losses to U.S. residents. JEL Classification F1 Keywords protectionism, imports, welfare, employment Author's e-mail 98771754@fsv.cuni.cz Supervisor's e-mail petrjakubik@seznam.cz

<p>  </p> <p>Between the ratification of the Constitution and the outbreak of the Civil War, the American Congress regularly engaged in the delicate process of crafting trade legislation that balanced the revenue needs of the federal government with demands for protection of domestic industries. Both in the halls of Congress and throughout newspapers, pamphlets, and the private correspondence of economic actors, discussions of trade and tariffs stimulated political conflict and influenced what goods Americans possessed, produced, and consumed. This project explores how and why residents and representatives of the trans-Appalachian West engaged in the highly contentious tariff politics of the early American republic. I argue that trade policy elicited sustained controversy because of conflicting understandings of markets and the market process forged in response to the economic transformations of the nineteenth century. Throughout this period of market integration and commercial and industrial diversification, free trade advocates and protectionists developed and promoted competing assessments of what happened when supposedly “self-regulating” markets supplanted the authority of governmental institutions in guiding economic development. Merchants, farmers, and manufacturers in Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, and Tennessee engaged in the politics of trade policy in a manner that reflected their distinct economic geography. In contrast to the more rigid embrace of protectionism among northern industrialists and free trade from those invested in southern cotton slavery, westerners fluctuated in their views on trade legislation. Because the success or failure of tariff laws consistently hinged on a small number of votes, the mixed support for free trade and protection from representatives of the western interest in Congress played a determinative role in shaping trade policy. Ultimately, western views on trade and tariffs illuminate a hybrid set of ideas that joined an economically liberal view of markets with demands for the exercise of legitimate governance in supporting regional development. The disruptive, yet innovative, growth of the first half of the nineteenth century encouraged Americans to look both to markets and nations for freedom from poverty and shelter from the process of “creative destruction.” These ideas emerged again in response to the monopolistic capitalism of the so-called “Gilded Age,” but they are rooted in debates over the power granted to Congress in trade policy that unfolded during the earliest years of nationhood.  </p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Boston College, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 239-242).

Daniel Conk 5 January 2012 Thesis Abstract This thesis is an empirical research on the impact that preferential trade agreements have on the welfare of individuals and nation-states. As the number of preferential trade agreements has been growing steadily, the on-going clash between regionalism and multilateralism will be a key topic throughout the research. Fair trade movements have been becoming more popular over the fast few years as some organizations have strived to raise consumers awareness regarding the great disparities among the profit margins of the producers or farmers in developing countries in comparison to those of the merchants and distributors in developed countries. Even though quantitative data will be used in order to portray the growing economic inequalities present in today s world, arguments will also be supported on grounds of ethics and morals relating to social justice.

Economic crisis are time periods that significantly contribute to the development of protectionism. It was the same during the current crisis that began in July 2007. The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the current national responses to the economic crisis hide the risk of protectionism. The thesis focuses mainly on the People's Republic of China.

A tese demonstra a conformação do pensamento protecionista industrial no Brasil durante o Segundo Reinado. Tal pensamento, que se manifestava em ação ou projetos de ação por parte de determinado grupo, consolidou-se com a formação da Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro. Apreende-se, portanto, a formação desse pensamento protecionista e a atuação de um grupo que buscava tarifas alfandegárias que protegessem a indústria nacional. Esse grupo, o pensamento por ele defendido e suas ações se consolidaram na década de 1880. A análise será feita a partir da década de 1840, a fim de expor a configuração do pensamento protecionista proposta na Tarifa de 1844, assim como a luta da seção da indústria fabril para se alcançar Tarifas Alfandegárias que protegesse a indústria, até chegar ao confronto com os ideários da Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro nas décadas de 1870-1880. Almeja-se demonstrar que esta entidade apregoa uma inovação, com o intento de servir como uma bandeira a favor da indústria fabril em torno de uma política tarifária contrária ao pensamento do Império na época. Pretende-se compreender, o motivo pelo qual a indústria fabril não conseguiu o apoio necessário para o seu desenvolvimento. Pretende-se expor no decorrer desta obra os políticos e/ ou intelectuais que articulam a favor ou contra a indústria fabril com o propósito de se definir as razões do atraso do desenvolvimento da indústria no Império. A Associação Industrial do Rio de Janeiro era uma entidade burguesa que discutia as Tarifas Alfandegárias a fim de especificar suas deficiências com o intuito de influir na dinâmica econômica do Império. E assim, demarcar seus interesses e interferir com propostas que pudessem favorecer os industriais que se congregaram nesta entidade, alardeando uma proposta protecionista com o intuito de ser uma alternativa para o desenvolvimento econômico do Império. / The thesis demonstrates the conformation of industrial protectionist thought in Brazil during the Second Reign. This thought, which manifested itself in action or projects of action by a certain group, consolidated itself with the formation of the Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro. Thus, the formation of this protectionist thought and the action of a group that sought tariffs that protected the national industry, is therefore seized. This group, the thought he defended and his actions consolidated in the 1880s. The analysis will be made starting in the 1840s, in order to expose the configuration of the protectionist thinking proposed in the Tarifa of 1844, as well as the struggle of the section of the manufacturing industry to achieve Customs Tariffs that would protect the industry, until confronted with the ideas of the Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro in the 1870s and 1880s. It is hoped to demonstrate that this entity proclaims an innovation, with the intention to serve as a flag in favor of the factory industry around a tariff policy contrary to the thought of the Empire at the time. It is intended to understand, the reason why the manufacturing industry did not get the necessary support for its development. It is intended to expose in the course of this work the politicians and / or intellectuals who articulate for or against the manufacturing industry with the purpose of defining the reasons for the delay of the development of the industry in the Empire. The Industrial Association of Rio de Janeiro was a bourgeois entity that discussed the Customs Tariffs in order to specify their deficiencies in order to \"influence\" the economic dynamics of the Empire. And so, demarcate their interests and interfere with proposals that could favor the industrialists who congregated in this entity, boasting a protectionist proposal with the intention of being an alternative for the economic development of the Empire.

A presente dissertação intitulada O princípio de proteção em face da flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas tem o objetivo de analisar a proteção do trabalhador no atual contexto brasileiro, através do método apresentado pela teoria de direito como integridade, formulada por Ronald Dworkin. O diferencial desta teoria é a adoção do novo paradigma de objetividade, em oposição ao conceito moderno de objetividade científica, em que o objeto deve ser conhecido necessariamente desvinculado da perspectiva do sujeito cognoscente. Conforme o novo paradigma de objetividade, nenhum conceito pode ser determinado a priori, mas somente dentro de um contexto determinado. O mesmo acontece com o conceito de direito. Não é possível a priori descrevê-lo por completo. O conceito se constrói na própria resolução dos casos concretos, ainda que reconheçamos casos paradigmáticos. Dessa forma, diante de um caso difícil, ou seja, sobre o qual há controvérsia, o juiz utilizará sempre padrões jurídicos interpretados com base na teoria que melhor justifica a prática jurídica como um todo. Assim, não há discricionariedade no sentido de ausência de padrão para julgamento. O direito determina a decisão correta, a qual constitui direito subjetivo do cidadão, e obrigação jurídica do juiz. A discussão sobre o princípio da proteção do trabalhador presente no direito brasileiro na atualidade é bem compreendida como um caso difícil conforme o modelo descrito por Ronald Dworkin. É reconhecida a desigualdade entre as partes da relação de emprego, entretanto, diverge-se sobre a melhor forma de equilibrar esse contrato. A corrente que defende a proteção do trabalhador pela via da negociação coletiva entende que o protecionismo estatal não mais atente à finalidade do direito de trabalho de equilibrar a relação de emprego, sendo necessária a flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas. Enquanto a corrente oposta entende que a finalidade do direito do trabalho é melhor alcançada justamente pela proteção do empregado pelo Estado. A divergência é sobre qual a melhor concepção de proteção do trabalhador, ou seja, o que é a igualdade no campo das relações de emprego. A análise dos argumentos das duas correntes demonstra que a argumentação da corrente que defende a proteção estatal é mais forte, pois não faz sentido atribuir aos sindicatos a função de proteger os trabalhadores no momento em que essas entidades estão mais frágeis. Essa fragilidade é causada justamente pelos mesmos fatores que os juristas apontam como motivo para flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas. São exatamente o atual modelo de produção e o desemprego as maiores causas da fragilidade do sindicato. Essa disputa doutrinária ressoa na jurisprudência. A análise de acórdãos do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho mostra que o Tribunal resguarda direitos mínimos do trabalhador e direitos que representam normas de ordem pública, os quais não podem ser negociados. Além disso, exige concessões recíprocas para a validade da negociação coletiva. Por outro lado, permite a flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas nos casos previstos na Constituição e nos casos de direitos disponíveis. / The purpose of this paper, entitled Principle of protection under labor rights flexibility, is to analyze the protection of employees in the current Brazilian context, by means of the method presented by the theory of law as integrity, formulated by Ronald Dworkin. This theorys differential factor is the adoption of a new objectivity standard, as opposed to the modern scientific objectivity concept, in which the object must be necessarily known as detached from the cognoscent subject perspective. According to the new objectivity standard, no concept may be determined a priori, but only within a determined context. The same happens with the law concept. It is not possible to completely describe it a priori, the concept is created to the extent concrete cases are resolved, although we recognize paradigmatic cases. Thus, in face of a difficult case, that is, which presents controversies, the judge will always use legal standards interpreted based on the theory that best justifies the legal practice as a whole. In this way, there is no discretion in regards to the lack of standard for judgment. The law determines the correct decision, which constitutes the citizens subjective right, and the judges legal obligation. The discussion on the employees protection principle present in the Brazilian law nowadays is understood as a difficult case, according to the model described by Ronald Dworkin. The unequal character between the parties in an employment relationship is recognized, however, there are divergences in regards to the best way to achieve balance threrein. The stream defending the protection of employees by collective negotiation understands that the state protectionism no longer meets the purpose of labor law to provide balance to employment relationships, being necessary to turn labor rights flexible. The opposed stream, at its turn, understands that the purpose of labor law is better achieved exactly by the protection of the employee by the State. The divergence arises when it comes to decide which is the best employee protection concept, that is, what does equality mean within the scope of employment relationships. Upon analysis of the arguments of both streams, it is found to be stronger the stream defending state protection, because it does not make much sense to give unions the function to protect employees at the moment such entities are more fragile. Such fragility is specially caused by the same factors described by jurists as the reason to turn labor rights flexible. The current production model and unemployment are the greatest causes of union fragility. This doctrinaire dispute has an influence upon the case law. The analysis of the decisions rendered by the Labor Supreme Court demonstrates that the Court protects the minimum rights of employees and the rights representing public order rules, which may not be negotiated. In addition, it requires reciprocal concessions to make the collective negotiation valid. On the other hand, it allows the flexibility of labor rights in the cases se forth in the Constitution and available case law.

<p>Departing from the case of textile and clothing trade dispute between the EU and China in 2005, it has been noticed that the EU’s policy in textile trade to a large extent has been situated in a position of dilemma. On the one hand, the growing global impetus of liberalization in the sector forces the EU to open up its market to cheap textile imports from the developing countries; on the other hand, the fierce protectionist pressures come from the domestic producers and slow down the paces towards liberalization, or sometimes even take setback towards more conservative performances. By placing this case in a broader context, the EU’s external trade policy is confronted with the similar dilemma, swaying between the trade liberalization and trade protection. Consequently, does the EU emerge in the current multilateral trading system of the WTO as a force for trade liberalization or a force for trade protectionism?</p><p>Bearing this question in mind, the general climate of global trade under the GATT/WTO and the EU’s external trade policy will firstly be examined. Then, the EU’s trade protectionism is about to be explained by strategic trade theory, the high political content of the EU’s external trade policy and the fragmentation in the EU’s policy networks; while the EU’s inclination towards trade liberalization will be explained by the implications from the conventional trade theory and new institutionalism, and as well as the impacts from the general climate of global trade.</p><p>The results shows that the EU’s external trade policy under the global trade liberalization is a mixture, neither pure liberalization nor pure protectionism. With regard to the trade issues concerning to the vital interests, the Union without exception inclines to conservative protectionism; whereas concerning the issues of less importance, compromises and concessions always lead the outcomes of the policy to the inspiring liberalization.</p>