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This dissertation examines how the U.S. Forest Service implements and uses public involvement during the agency's planning processes as mandated by the National Environmental Policy Act. Focused from the perspective of the agency personnel leading the process, this study is informed by both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Chapters two and three report the results of a web-based survey completed by 489 Forest Service employees. Chapter two shows that these employees most commonly view public involvement as a means for obtaining substantive information that could be used to improve the management decision. Chapter two also reveals that agency personnel who view public involvement as only a procedural requirement tend to achieve less positive process outcomes, but those who explicitly create opportunities for interactive dialogue with the public tend to achieve more positive outcomes, including more positive perceptions of the public involvement process and agency-public relationships. Chapter three shows that agency employees commonly believe more public influence should and does happen during the earlier stages of the planning process, but that agency employees also desire more public influence throughout the process. Chapter four uses qualitative interviews with 16 of the survey respondents to build upon the insights from chapter three. By exploring what may be constraining public influence from occurring at the desired levels, chapter four describes how agency personnel can impact how much public influence happens. The final chapter highlights the importance of looking beyond the specific public involvement technique employed during the process to the nature of the agency-public interactions. Agency personnel who are willing to engage in extra effort to translate public values into substantive management concerns generally achieve more desirable forms of public influence. They also help satisfy the public's desires to communicate their visions for the management of the National Forests. Key barriers include heavy workloads, negative views of the public, and over-reliance on minimum procedural requirements. Conversely, strong normative beliefs about the positive role of the public in agency planning, leadership commitment, and a recognition of the discretion afforded planning personnel can lead to higher levels of desired public influence. / Ph. D.

The Scottish Record Office collection of the Forfeited Estates Papers, 1745, is voluminous, including the documents of the Barons of the Exchequer in Scotland concerning all those estates forfeited in 1747 as well as those relating to forfeited estates that were annexed to the Crown in 1752 and managed by the Board of Commissioners for the Forfeited Estates. This thesis is primarily a study of the work of the Board. [Not from the Abstract - taken from the Preface].

Conflict among residents of a gateway community regarding the breadth of perceptions of impacts from commercial whitewater rafting and the need for mitigating policies persists despite an intensive planning process and implementation of policies to mitigate negative effects. With an overarching purpose of exploring the nature of conflict, specific study objectives are 1) to characterize Pilar resident perceptions of recreation and the BLM, 2) to describe how Pilar as a community adjusts to recreation, and 3) to characterize Pilar resident expectations of BLM regarding recreation impacts. Methods include coding interview transcriptions, participant observation summaries, meeting minutes, and public comments on an environmental impact statement. Findings suggest that perceptions of recreational boating are influenced by factors such as occupation and place attachment and that these factors also determine group interaction and reactions to commercial boating and BLM policies. / Graduation date: 2002

Na Amazônia, as políticas de destinação de terras públicas constroem-se a partir de aparelhamentos jurídicos que, comumente, sinalizam a situações bastante alheias aos camponeses e outras populações que ocupam a região. Historicamente, tais políticas tendem a se delinear em favor da construção das condições formais para a apropriação privada da terra pelo grande capital. Por outro lado, apresentam pouca e algumas vezes nenhuma vocação para dar conta da diversidade social e cultural das ocupações camponesas. O atuar desse aparelho jurídico e político, entretanto, não é linear, mas produtor de movimentos contraditórios, abrindo condições para recriação e reprodução das possibilidades de acesso à terra a posseiros, quilombolas, ribeirinhos, varjeiros, beiradeiros e diversos outros grupos da floresta. Esta pesquisa trata essencialmente dos caminhos e descaminhos das políticas de destinação de terras públicas na Amazônia, em especial, no oeste paraense. Pretende entender os processos que as engendram, suas diversas modalidades e suas contradições inerentes. Especial atenção é dada à prática ainda em voga de se entregar terra e recursos ao capital sob discursos sociais. Mais precisamente, ao estudo de como, pela implementação abrupta de uma gigantesca área de assentamentos de reforma agrária, serviuse, não aos clientes da reforma agrária, mas a madeireiros, grileiros e à fabricação de números fictícios para os índices de famílias assentadas. / Policies related to the destination of public lands in Amazonia are built upon judicial instruments that often derive from situations far removed from those lived by peasants and other populations who occupy the region. Historically such policies have tended to be shaped in favour of the construction of formal conditions that enable private appropriation of land by large-scale capital. On the other hand, these policies offer little and in some cases, no inclination to do justice to the social and cultural diversity of peasant occupations. Nonetheless, the actions by this judicial and political apparatus are not linear; rather they have produced contradictory movements, creating conditions which foster the re-creation and reproduction of possibilities of access to land by occupants who do not hold titles, descendants of runaway slaves, riverine dwellers, floodplain dwellers, riverbank dwellers and several other forest groups. This research essentially considers the ebbs and flows involved in the politics of public land destination in Amazonia, with a focus on the western portion of the state of Pará in the Brazilian Amazon. It aims to understand the processes that engendered them, their diverse modalities and inherent contradictions. Particular attention is paid to the still current practice of handing over land and resources to large-scale capital under the guise of social discourse. Specifically, a study has been conducted on how the abrupt establishment of an immense area destined for land reform settlements benefitted loggers and land grabbers and produced falsified lists of settled families, instead of real land reform clients.

O Pontal do Paranapanema é um território em disputa. Assim foi desde sua ocupação baseada na expropriação indígena, na grilagem de terras e no desmatamento. Na atualidade a disputa está na luta entre as classes sociais envolvidas na região. Por um lado têm-se as terras historicamente tomadas indevidamente e ilegalmente, que estão sob o domínio dos fazendeiros; por outro as terras que foram retomadas por um processo de luta e que estão sob o domínio dos camponeses, territorializadas através dos assentamentos rurais. Há ainda uma grande parcela de terras em disputa judicial, movida principalmente pela pressão dos movimentos camponeses para que o Estado cumpra as determinações que a lei lhe compete, ou seja, discriminar e retomar as terras que são de patrimônio público. Somente com as ações dos movimentos sociais através das ocupações de terras, principalmente em meados da década de 90 do século XX, que o Estado procurou redefinir a destinação das terras públicas. Os acordos realizados entre Estado e fazendeiros, permitiu tanto a (re)produção do campesinato, na forma de assentamentos rurais, como dos fazendeiros ao indenizar benfeitorias que se converteram em valores próximos ao preço de mercado, possibilitando assim a compra de terras para outras regiões brasileiras. Na tese, revelamos o lento processo discriminatório e os entraves jurídicos na obtenção e julgamento dessas áreas griladas por fazendeiros e hoje questionadas pelos inúmeros movimentos camponeses existentes no Pontal do Paranapanema. / The Pontal do Paranapanema is a disputed territory. It has been this way through processes of indigenous expropriation, the falsification of land titles and aggressive deforestation. At present, the dispute is centered on struggle between social classes involved in the region. On the one hand, there is the historically traceable and unquestionably illegal process of falsifying titles to take land, lands which are clearly under the control of the landlord class. On the other, there are lands that have been retaken through a process of struggle, lands now under peasant control, territorialized as agrarian reform settlements. In the meantime, large numbers of tracts remain mired in judicial proceedings, disputed for by peasant movements, pressuring the State to honor the law it is charge to fulfill by retaking lands that are part of the public patrimony. It has only been through the direct action of social movements, principally the occupation of lands during the middle period of the 1990s that the State sought to redefine the final use of public lands. Accords reached between the State and landlords contributed to (re)producing both the peasantry, through the establishment of agrarian reform settlements, and landlords, through near-market indemnity payments made for improvements on falsely titled public lands, enabling them to buy land in other regions of Brazil. This dissertation examines the slow land title discrimination process and the legal barriers encountered in the struggle to adjudicate and obtain areas falsely claimed by landlords and today questioned by the innumerous peasant movements active in the Pontal do Paranapanema.

Nesta tese, a partir do conceito de acumulação capitalista por meios não capitalistas, são analisados processos de privatizações de terras públicas federais no Sudeste Paraense e ações de resistência aos mesmos por parte de famílias camponesas. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio dos seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: a) entrevistas com sujeitos sociais envolvidos nos conflitos, como famílias camponesas acampadas em fazendas situadas em terras públicas federais, funcionários do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA) e do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA), representantes do agronegócio, integrantes de Sindicatos dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais (STTR), da Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) e de outros movimentos de luta pela terra da região; b) pesquisa de documentos em instituições da região como a Justiça Federal e Estadual, o INCRA, a CPT e o Centro de Pesquisa e Assessoria Sindical e Popular (CEPASP) e; c) cruzamento de dados georreferenciados do INCRA, Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA) e Departamento Nacional de Produção Mineral (DNPM). Foram observadas e analisadas três formas assumidas pela privatização de terras públicas no Sudeste Paraense nos últimos anos: a) a legalização da grilagem e sua transformação em propriedade privada formalmente constituída, por meio do Programa Terra Legal; b) a permanência de centenas de milhares de hectares de domínio federal nas mãos de grileiros sem a formalização da propriedade e; c) a apropriação de terras públicas federais, inclusive terras de Projetos de Assentamentos, por grandes mineradoras. A partir da análise dos dados coletados, foi constatado que a expansão de atividades econômicas como a pecuária e a mineração acabam por se servir de formas ilegais de apropriação das terras públicas. Como tais atividades, na escala em que operam, demandam áreas extensas, a privatização de terras públicas federais pela pecuária e pela mineração causa a exclusão do direito de milhares de famílias camponesas à terra de trabalho. A reação a essa situação tem acontecido por meio de ocupações de terras e da utilização de outras táticas de luta comuns na região entre o campesinato, como o bloqueio de rodovias e a ocupação de órgãos estatais. A resistência camponesa tem sido a única força social capaz de impedir, ao menos parcialmente, o avanço da privatização de terras públicas no Sudeste Paraense. / From the concept of capitalist accumulation by non-capitalist means, the processes of privatization of federal public lands in the southeast of Para and resistance actions to them by peasant families are analyzed in this thesis. The research was carried out with the following methodological procedures: a) interviews with the social subjects involved in the conflicts (as peasant families camped on farms situated on federal public lands, oficials of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) and the Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA), representatives of agribusiness, members of Workers and Rural Workers Union (STTR), the Land Pastoral Comission (CPT) and from other movements of struggle for the land in the region; b) documents research in institutions in the region (INCRA, CPT, Center of Union and Popular Research and Advice (CEPASP) and; c) crossing of georeferenced data from INCRA, Ministry of the Environment (MMA), National Department of Mineral Production (DNPM). Three forms assumed by the privatization of public lands in the southeast of Para in recente years were observed and analyzed: a) the legalization of grilagem (illegal taking of land by means of false titles) and its transformation into private property formally constituted, using the Programa Terra Legal; b) the permanence of hundreds of thousands of hectares of federal domain in the hands of grileiros without the formalization of hte property and; c) the appropriation of federal public lands, including land for Settlement Projects, by large mining companies. From the analysis of the collected data, it was found that the expansion of economic activities such as stockbreeding and mining end up using illegal forms of appropriation of public lands. As such activities demand extensive areas on the scale at which they operate, the privatization of public federal lands for stockbreeding and mining causes the exclusion of the right of thousans of peasant families to work land. The reaction to this situation has happened with land occupations and the use of other common fighting tactics in the region among the pesasantry, such as the blocking of highways and the occupation of state organs. Peasant resistance has been the only social force capable of preventing, at least partially, the advance of privatization of public lands in the southeast of Para state.

Nesta tese, a partir do conceito de acumulação capitalista por meios não capitalistas, são analisados processos de privatizações de terras públicas federais no Sudeste Paraense e ações de resistência aos mesmos por parte de famílias camponesas. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio dos seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: a) entrevistas com sujeitos sociais envolvidos nos conflitos, como famílias camponesas acampadas em fazendas situadas em terras públicas federais, funcionários do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA) e do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA), representantes do agronegócio, integrantes de Sindicatos dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais (STTR), da Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) e de outros movimentos de luta pela terra da região; b) pesquisa de documentos em instituições da região como a Justiça Federal e Estadual, o INCRA, a CPT e o Centro de Pesquisa e Assessoria Sindical e Popular (CEPASP) e; c) cruzamento de dados georreferenciados do INCRA, Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA) e Departamento Nacional de Produção Mineral (DNPM). Foram observadas e analisadas três formas assumidas pela privatização de terras públicas no Sudeste Paraense nos últimos anos: a) a legalização da grilagem e sua transformação em propriedade privada formalmente constituída, por meio do Programa Terra Legal; b) a permanência de centenas de milhares de hectares de domínio federal nas mãos de grileiros sem a formalização da propriedade e; c) a apropriação de terras públicas federais, inclusive terras de Projetos de Assentamentos, por grandes mineradoras. A partir da análise dos dados coletados, foi constatado que a expansão de atividades econômicas como a pecuária e a mineração acabam por se servir de formas ilegais de apropriação das terras públicas. Como tais atividades, na escala em que operam, demandam áreas extensas, a privatização de terras públicas federais pela pecuária e pela mineração causa a exclusão do direito de milhares de famílias camponesas à terra de trabalho. A reação a essa situação tem acontecido por meio de ocupações de terras e da utilização de outras táticas de luta comuns na região entre o campesinato, como o bloqueio de rodovias e a ocupação de órgãos estatais. A resistência camponesa tem sido a única força social capaz de impedir, ao menos parcialmente, o avanço da privatização de terras públicas no Sudeste Paraense. / From the concept of capitalist accumulation by non-capitalist means, the processes of privatization of federal public lands in the southeast of Para and resistance actions to them by peasant families are analyzed in this thesis. The research was carried out with the following methodological procedures: a) interviews with the social subjects involved in the conflicts (as peasant families camped on farms situated on federal public lands, oficials of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) and the Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA), representatives of agribusiness, members of Workers and Rural Workers Union (STTR), the Land Pastoral Comission (CPT) and from other movements of struggle for the land in the region; b) documents research in institutions in the region (INCRA, CPT, Center of Union and Popular Research and Advice (CEPASP) and; c) crossing of georeferenced data from INCRA, Ministry of the Environment (MMA), National Department of Mineral Production (DNPM). Three forms assumed by the privatization of public lands in the southeast of Para in recente years were observed and analyzed: a) the legalization of grilagem (illegal taking of land by means of false titles) and its transformation into private property formally constituted, using the Programa Terra Legal; b) the permanence of hundreds of thousands of hectares of federal domain in the hands of grileiros without the formalization of hte property and; c) the appropriation of federal public lands, including land for Settlement Projects, by large mining companies. From the analysis of the collected data, it was found that the expansion of economic activities such as stockbreeding and mining end up using illegal forms of appropriation of public lands. As such activities demand extensive areas on the scale at which they operate, the privatization of public federal lands for stockbreeding and mining causes the exclusion of the right of thousans of peasant families to work land. The reaction to this situation has happened with land occupations and the use of other common fighting tactics in the region among the pesasantry, such as the blocking of highways and the occupation of state organs. Peasant resistance has been the only social force capable of preventing, at least partially, the advance of privatization of public lands in the southeast of Para state.

President Clinton created Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument on September 17, 1996. The Antiquities Act of 1906 gives the president power to establish national monuments on public lands through presidential proclamation. The Act has been used to create national monuments in places such as Muir Woods, Grand Canyon, Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the 1978 Alaskan d-2 lands. Its use has also produced negative public response, manifested as demonstrations, lawsuits, and congressional bills. In spite of significant legal and legislative challenges, the Antiquities Act and most of the monuments established through its use remain. The negative public response to the Act and the monuments has not been able to dissuade presidents from using executive authority. In each of the controversial cases the scope of the Antiquities Act was expanded in regards to the values being protected, monument size, or land use. The public had little influence in reversing that expansion. The Antiquities Act was designed as a tool to provide protection to threatened lands. It has protected federal lands, and in many cases the national interest. The historic and scientific values of once controversial monuments such as the Grand Canyon, Muir Woods Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the d-2 lands, are now indisputable. These monuments have evolved to represent part of our natural national heritage. Only time will tell if the same can be said for Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

Societies frequently implement land use policies to regulate resource extraction or to regulate development. However, two important policy questions remain unresolved. First, how effective are land use regulations? Second, how do land use regulations affect socioeconomic conditions? Three issues complicate the evaluation of land use policies: (1) overt bias may lead to incorrect estimates of policy effects if implementation is nonrandom; (2) the policy may affect outcomes in neighboring unregulated lands; and (3) unobservable differences between regulated and unregulated lands may lead to biased assessments. Previous evaluations of land use policies fail to address these sources of bias simultaneously. In this dissertation, I develop an approach, using matching methods, which jointly accounts for these complications. I apply the approach to evaluate the effects of Costa Rica s protected areas on land use and socioeconomic outcomes between 1960 and 2000. I find that: (1) protection prevented the deforestation of only 10 percent or less of protected forests; (2) protection resulted in reforestation of only 20 percent of non-forest areas that were protected; (3) protection had little effect on land use outside protected areas, most likely because, as noted above, protected areas had only small effects on land use inside protected areas; and (4) there is little evidence that protected areas had harmful impacts on the livelihoods of local communities: on the contrary, I find that protection had small positive effects on socioeconomic outcomes. Furthermore, the methods traditionally used to conduct such evaluations are biased. In contrast to the findings above, those conventional methods overestimated the amount of avoided deforestation and erroneously implied that protection had negative impacts on the livelihoods of local communities. This dissertation contributes to policymaking by providing empirical measures of protected area effectiveness. Although annual global expenditures on protected areas are about $6.5 billion, little is known to date about the returns on these investments. This study also indicates that policymakers should give careful consideration to current proposals to compensate communities living in or around protected areas: contrary to widely held assumptions, the findings suggest that protection may not have harmful effects on socioeconomic outcomes.