In 2012, the death of Trayvon Martin would activate the conscience of Black Americans nationwide. In response to the acquittal of Martin’s assailant, a social media movement with the hashtag “Black Lives Matter” was conceived. The Black Lives Matter Movement attempts to impede the recurrent nature of police violence in Black communities. I hypothesize that colonialism and racial capitalism creates an environment for police violence, which leads to social movements like Black Lives Matter. I also argue that the commodification of race, an element of racial capitalism, serves as a distraction from the overall impact of systematic racism. I examine the oppressive nature of capitalism and neocolonialism, and the conditions they produce in housing and education. I examine the role of the two major political parties in suppressing and co-opting movements like Black Lives Matter, and whether or not the two major parties can be effective resources for the movement.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the experiences of Black women regarding air pollution in Toronto. Specifically, it explores the experiences of Black women in Toronto in regard to air pollution and the connections to air pollution and other barriers that Black women may face in Toronto. The thesis used qualitative research alongside air pollution literature in Canada to explain these experiences. The thesis will use the definition of environmental racism and the main theoretical framework of racial capitalism. In Chapter 1, there is a general discussion on the impacts of air pollution, with mention of a ruling of the first death caused by air pollution in the world, in order to showcase the growing concern associated with exposure to air pollution. Furthermore, this chapter explains how air pollution affects population health and focuses on the impact of specific chemicals and compounds associated with air pollution. In Chapter 2, discusses why Black women and their experiences with air pollution are unique compared to the general population in Canada. Furthermore, this chapter explains air pollution and its effects in Toronto, Ontario, including the sources of traffic and industrial air pollution levels, while emphasising the unequal burden of air pollution affecting lower-income groups in Toronto. Chapter 4 explains the theoretical approaches. Chapter 5 will discuss the interview analysis, verbatim quotes from participants and connecting the theories mentioned in the literature review portion to what the participants have mentioned. Chapter 6 will conclude the thesis. / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc)

The research and analysis of Capitalism, The Reproduction of Racial Difference in American Education, and Black Student Resistance comes from my experiences working for a dropout prevention nonprofit organization in Title 1 public schools with Black middle school and high school students. I observed many conflicts between Black students and school staff that were resolved by convincing students that the cultural norms and rules of the school system were objective and morally right, and therefore Black students needed to accept and obey them. From these interactions, I could see that more than academic skills were being taught in schools. The messages of success being proposed were exerting violence on the mind, body, and spirit of Black youth. I could also see that many of the ways that Black students expressed themselves in schools was not rooted in defiance or an inability to obey but in protest to the socialization that was being imposed on them. My observations of Black students reactions to school culture and the insistence on achievement has fueled my work.

Masters of Art / This thesis explores the shifting racial identification and politics of the emerging Jewish community in Southern Africa between the Anglo-Boer War in 1902 and the Union of South Africa in 1910. Through an investigation of their actions and thoughts on the cultural, economic, linguistic and political aspects of their lives, I show how the emerging Jewish community formed itself through the political subjectivity of White settlers. Understanding how racial categories were being amalgamated and partitioned in that period of state formation, I argue that the mainstream Jewish community colluded with the colonial state to join into the ‘unity of the White races’. I use Memmi’s (1967 [1957], pp. 19,45) analytic distinction between ‘coloniser’ – a European on African land - and ‘colonialist’ – a coloniser who supports colonialism and believes in its legitimacy - to examine how the process of subject formation is articulated through the political economy of racial capitalism and settler colonialism. When Jews from Eastern Europe (Yidn) began arriving in South Africa in the 1880s, they faced a settler population which simultaneously treated them as members of an undifferentiated European settler population, as candidates for assimilation into colonial Whiteness, and as dirty subjects under threat of colonial state violence. Though there were other possible responses to the colonial relationship that Yidn could have taken, such as linking the fight against antisemitism with other anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles, the community went through a process of colonialist refashioning. To understand this transformation, I focus on four aspects of life. Culturally, Yidn were classed as dirty subjects and Jewish communal institutions worked with the state to ‘clean’, i.e. ‘Whiten’ them up. Economically, Jews of all class positions learnt the exploitative practices of settlers in racial capitalism. Linguistically, Yiddish became classified as a European language by utilising racial hierarchies. And politically, Yidn became citizens by embracing the ideology of a White-only franchise. Focussing in on these processes of assimilation into power, I argue that the primary Jewish communal institutions embraced and internally enforced a colonialist political subjectivity. This thesis is based on archival research conducted in three archives in Cape Town carried out between February and May 2019, and extensive reading of previous historical studies to write a new narrative from previously known sources.

This research is inspired by Albert Memmi’s paradox of the colonizer who refuses, yet remains the colonizer, complicit in colonial structures. It is explorative, qualitative, speculative and possibility orientated. It utilizes a Critical Disability Theory (CDT) lens to seek out confluences with Indigenous Resurgence, decolonial actions and reconciliation praxis. It explores the concept of Everyday Acts as being applicable for resurgence projects and non-indigenous solidarity and reconciliation practices that center Indigenous self-determination and land and water based lifeways as paramount to ecological justice. The research design is phenomenological, embodied and transformative. It endeavours to explore some of the more nuanced pockets of possibility for emergent ally-ship, and solidarity within the context of the settler who refuses through engaging with Access Intimacy, symbiosis/solidarity, gifting economy, failure as praxis, and relationship building. It does this through a thematic literature review, an interview and the idea of email essays as Life Writing. Interview and Email essays are offered as phenomenological life writings from four Collaborators, that share personal insights and stories conveying everyday experiences of accountability, responsibility, community care, community engagement, intergenerationality, embodiment, disability, collaboration, friendship and everyday acts. In concentrating on the smaller felt spaces of engagement, this modest research project hopes to bring insight and awareness to how small conscientious intergenerational everyday acts of solidarity can catalyze meaningful change and the possibility of transformation. To conclude, the research offers a discussion and some recommendations for future research. / Graduate / 2023-04-14

During the Great Migration (1916-1970) of African Americans to the North, Philadelphia’s police department, journalists, and city officials used news media to disseminate crime narratives laced with statistics and racial stereotypes of “black invasions,” “urban neighborhood jungles,” “roving black gangs,” and the “culture of poverty” to convince the white middle-class to resist desegregation and support tough on crime policing in the inner city from 1958 to the present-day. However, African Americans experienced double victimization from the proliferation of these crime narratives. Police and journalists used crime narratives to justify the racially-biased policing tactics of hyper-surveillance, daily patrols, excessive force, and incarceration against black and poor residents. Over time, city officials developed a system of racial capitalism in which City Council financially divested from social welfare programs, invested in the police department, and promoted a tough on crime policing program that generated wealth for Philadelphia’s tax base and attempted to halt white flight from the city. My evidence consists of newspapers, archived news reel, municipal court dockets, census records, oral histories, interviews, police investigation reports, housing project pamphlets, and maps to demonstrate that a consequence of tough on crime policing was hyper-surveillance, the use of excessive force, and neglect by officers in the most disadvantaged areas of the city: poor, segregated, and black-inhabited housing projects and neighborhoods. Nevertheless, by looking through the lens of Philadelphia specifically, I emphasize that the budgetary strategy of a city government spending more money on policing and corrections than social welfare programs is ineffective and a form of racial capitalism which relies on criminal scapegoating, continues the cycle of poverty-induced crime, inflates rates of incarceration and police brutality, and marginalizes poor people of color. / History

Over the past several decades, flooding events in the United States have become the most frequent and costliest natural disaster. In the US, city and regional leaders are planning new water and flood mitigation infrastructure in response to the challenges of flooding, uneven urbanization, and racialized exclusion. Historically, projects to keep water out have never been universal or evenly applied. Yet, ‘learning to live’ with water, a key tagline in current sustainable development paradigms, masks how histories of racialized land development are entangled with contemporary water infrastructure projects and are productive of regional planning power. This dissertation centers racial capitalism in analysis of how contemporary water infrastructure projects are entangled with, and informed by, histories of racialized land development in the mid-Mississippi River Region. Through two case studies on flood mitigation infrastructure in eastern Missouri, I trace the historic development of infrastructures that shape the ongoing racialization of space, infrastructure (re)development and community vulnerability to flooding today. The case studies draw from a range of data, including archival research on histories of land and infrastructure development, participant observation of planning meetings, professional conferences, and local neighborhood initiatives, and field observations of the built environment. I argue that 1) scholarship concerned with social-environmental inequities should engage racial capitalism as a framework to “provincialize” urban theory and environmental racism as a means to theorize uneven infrastructural provisioning as a mode of urbanization that (re)produces social difference and value creation under racial capitalism, 2) the historical development of flood control in the Mississippi region was fundamental to the development of racial capitalism because it consolidated regional planning power through methods of social and environmental domination, and 3) contemporary infrastructural redevelopment and flood mitigation projects must contend with the path dependencies of structural racism to disrupt existing cycles of marginalization across social differences to deliver meaningfully on equity goals. Ultimately, this study finds that flood-mitigation infrastructures, including levees, floodways, and dams, on the Missouri River and gray and green stormwater infrastructure (GSI) in the City of St. Louis are embedded in broader social-environmental networks and regional power blocs, whose regional history and dynamics have created distinct patterns of uneven urbanization and vulnerability to flooding disasters. Because infrastructure projects are embedded in the built environment for decades, the social relations comprising their implementation, or lack thereof, reach into present and future development considerations. Thus, when planning projects fail to grapple with path dependencies of past infrastructure projects, they may reproduce structural racism and re-create patterns of uneven urbanization and vulnerability to flooding disasters. / Geography

This thesis takes an unconventional approach to environmental racism. Through the lens of white privilege and racial capitalism, I analyze hazardous waste procedures, work site dynamics, and governmental enforcement. Southeast Los Angeles encompasses 26 neighborhoods and the communities racial demographic is 85.8% people of color. The region is home to an abundance of hazardous waste generators, and the area is disproportionately burdened by pollution compared to the rest of LA County. I chose white privilege as a framework because more often than not, discrimination in the workplace is unintentional and covert. White privilege manifests through hazardous waste management in four forms: devaluation of worker training, lack of language accommodations, disenfranchisement of employees of color, and enforcement-heavy regulation. The four factors listed impact facility operations and risk health and safety of personnel, especially employees of color working in closest proximity to toxic chemicals. To prioritize the needs of workers of color, I recommend creating a free hazardous waste consultation service modeled after the Occupational Safety and Health Administration’s service. Ineffective online instruction must be eliminated and replaced with learner-centered empowerment training. Finally, generator management must facilitate a more supportive culture that empowers employees of color as agents of change in the workplace.

After the rebellion over the killing of Michael Brown, the US Justice Department reported that over-policing for the sake of monetary extraction was taking place in Ferguson, MO, with non-White and people in poverty being disproportionately targeted at the hands of the police. And while it has been shown to be present within the Ferguson community, this extraction and targeting by police is not a geographically isolated occurrence. Based on previous research, a racialized, economic-based system of oppression goes hand-in-hand with policing. But how do the qualities of these geographies affect the prominence and location of police violence on a systemic level? Through a process of identity creation and reification informed through the interaction of racial capitalism and the state, specific geographies are identified with different groups within society as a function of housing segregation. These areas are then targeted by police based on their identity and the existing social hierarchy. By using data from Fatal Encounters, an independent organization which catalogs who has been killed by police, coupled with demographic descriptors of place, I show that zip codes with higher levels of Black and Hispanic populations as well as worse-off economic measures were positively associated with an increased odds of more people being killed by police. By shedding light on the drivers of this cycle of violence, I hope to contribute to the establishment of a more just society by redefining who shall be protected from what and whose interests shall be served.

Examining contemporary higher education in the US and Canada, this study posits globalism as the reproductive condition for these postsecondary education systems and their infrastructures that has emerged within regional conditions of degraded institutional legitimacy and downgrading credentials. Across its chapters, university globalism is defined and cataloged via institutional practices that shape learning and labouring conditions for students, their surrounding environments, and the pedagogies administered to market and credential student experience. Chapters examine the global university, the global learning interface, the global curricular programme, the global student and the global classroom as multi-scalar sites for observing university globalism’s forms and their effects, especially on the situation of undergraduates. This formation is studied via infrastructuralism as an analytic shortcut to questions of social reproduction, political economy and their geohistories in these Global North contexts as globally dominant, mass cultural sites for global education. I posit the framework of connectivity, defined as the social and infrastructural good through which globalism is variously represented and embedded into undergraduate study, to periodize this shared regional institutional culture from the 1990s to the present. Connectivity links higher ed’s digitalization with its cosmopolitan modes of networking, identity formation, and human capital development that emerge across the institutional spectrum in public pedagogies and curriculum studied herein. This infrastructure is managerial, extractive, and socially reproduced, conditioning ambivalence and pessimism into the institutionalist modes of learning, networking and credentialing promoted by university globalism. Connectivity’s pro-social ideologies of global citizenship, inclusive excellence and social innovation are analyzed against higher ed’s proletarianizing material conditions and its anti-social foundations in racial capitalism and settler nationalism within US and Canada. This study aims to illuminate global study’s contradictory terms for undergraduates alongside their organic intellectualism within university conditions, and their affordances for critical global pedagogical practice to meet the crises of the present. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation examines globalism’s pedagogical and technological expressions in undergraduate student experience in the US and Canada. This study reads the global projects of these higher education systems as an infrastructure that conditions learning and credentialing as forms of anti-social, settler national and managerial self-development. By taking up the global connectivity era of the past three decades, this work brings digital infrastructures into dialogue with globalist education policies and administrative and disciplinary curricular projects in the context of degraded institutional legitimacy and downgrading credentials for undergraduates in these dominant inter/national sites for global education. It ultimately argues that the double binds produced by university globalism in these settings present a pedagogical occasion for abolitionist study in our time of planetary crises, unmasking the university as a knowable cultural object in a global cultural field and its infrastructure as a glitch-filled archive of relations of power, empire, and social reproduction.