Artistas pernambucanos que iniciaram suas carreiras ainda na primeira metade do século XX foram facilmente classificados pela crítica, ou pelos pares, como regionalistas. Por vezes utilizado de maneira explícita e consciente, o regionalismo foi um trunfo importante para se produzir uma arte original. Ao mesmo tempo, criava entraves para que o artista fosse reconhecido nacionalmente por meio de classificações distintas de primitivista, regionalista, folclórico. Observando a trajetória de artistas que, em sua maioria, optaram por fazer suas carreiras no Recife Murillo La Greca, Manoel Bandeira, Lula Cardoso Ayres, Cícero Dias, Vicente do Rego Monteiro, Francisco Brennand, Abelardo da Hora, Ladjane Bandeira, Wellington Virgolino, José Cláudio da Silva, Gilvan Samico, entre outros , foi possível reconstruir o cenário das artes plásticas de Pernambuco, identificar as principais condicionantes sociais da produção artística e perceber como cada um desses atores se movimentou para, produzindo sua obra, viabilizar sua carreira. Diferentes materiais, desde fontes visuais, entrevistas, depoimentos, artigos de época, até comentários críticos, memórias, e catálogos de exposições, foram mobilizados para recuperar cada uma das trajetórias que, vistas em conjunto, permitem vislumbrar as condições e possibilidades criativas desses artistas instalados na periferia do sistema cultural brasileiro. / The artists from Pernambuco, who have started their careers at the first part of the 20th century, have been classified frequently as regionalists by the critics and their partners. At times used explicitly and consciously, the regionalism was an important resource in order to produce an original piece of art. At the same time, it creates obstacles so that the artist was nationally recognized by distinctive classifications of primitivist, regionalist, folklorist. By observing the trajectory of the artists that, in their majority, have opted to constitute their careers in Recife Murillo La Greca, Manoel Bandeira, Lula Cardoso Ayres, Cícero Dias, Vicente do Rego Monteiro, Francisco Brennand, Abelardo da Hora, Ladjane Bandeira, Wellington Virgolino, José Cláudio da Silva, Gilvan Samico, among others , it was possible to reconstruct the scenario of the (plastic) arts from Pernambuco, identify the main social conditioning of the artistic production and realize how each of these artists have managed, by producing their work, to enable their careers. Different material, from visual pieces, interviews, testimonies, news articles from the period, up to critical comments, memories and exposition catalogues, were mobilized in order to recover each of the trajectories that, taken as a whole, allow glimpsing the creative conditions and possibilities for these artists, laid in the periphery of the Brazilian cultural system.

This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.

In May 2007 a committee called ‘’Ansvarskommittén’’, assembled by the Swedish government, came with a proposal of changing the Swedish regional structure. The committee which consisted of representatives from all the sitting parties in the parliament proposed that the present regional structure consisting of 20 county council districts and 21 counties would be reduced to between 6-9  regions called ‘’regionkommuner’’. The purpose of this study is to analyze how the committee’s proposal balances democratic and economic values by using a qualitative method. The committee’s proposal is analyzed by a comparison in five political areas with two differentiated regional theories called old and new regionalism. These theories are described and analyzed under the assumption that the old regionalism prioritizes democratic values and the new regionalism prioritizes economic values. Furthermore, the purpose of this essay can be divided into three parts. The first part is to describe and analyze how the old and new regionalism balances democratic and economic values. The second part consists of analyzing the committees proposal with the same criteria’s as the two regionalism theories and how they balance these two values in each area. The last and most important part is to analyze and describe how the committee balances the values in a bigger picture and if any of the values seems to be prioritized. The committee’s proposal is analyzed in the same areas as the two regionalism theories and the conclusion is that the committee’s proposal is closely related to the new regionalism in three areas. One area is a combination of the two theories and the last area is not discussed. The result of this essay is that the committee’s proposal is closer related to the new regionalism since the balance between democratic and economic values seems to point towards a prioritization of the economic values.

Résumé Ce mémoire de master II se concentre sur le régionalisme breton de la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Première Guerre mondiale représenté par deux organisations régionalistes, l'Union régionaliste bretonne (URB) fondée en 1898 et la Fédération régionaliste de Bretagne (FRB) créée suite à la scission de l'URB en 1911. Au-delà de leurs activités régionalistes visant à acquérir des droits d'autonomie de la Bretagne à l'égard de l'Etat français, leurs membres menaient des activités communes avec les élites galloises sur la base du passé commun « celtique » supposé et de l'existence des langues « celtiques » similaires parlées dans les deux pays. Cela nous a amené à nous interroger sur le rapport de ces activités « celtiques » avec le mouvement régionaliste breton, et ainsi sur la manière dont les régionalistes voulaient que les Bretons et la Bretagne soient perçus et pourquoi. Bref, notre recherche consiste en une étude de l'ensemble des caractéristiques de ce qu'on appelle ici l'auto-représentation des Bretons dans le discours régionaliste afin de découvrir les formes des stratégies discursives que les régionalistes utilisaient pour atteindre leur but d'autonomie. Cette recherche s'appuie sur l'analyse du discours dans les bulletins officiels de l'URB et de la FRB. Pour les besoins du contexte et en étant...

Please read the abstract in the 00front part of this document / Thesis (PhD (Comparative Pedagogics))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

The thesis deals with the trade liberalization among unequally developed partners and its development issues. At global level it refers to WTO development agenda, however, at regional level it focuses on north-south trade agreements, particularly on EU-ACP relations. The aim of the thesis is to analyze these relations and the way and scope of how they have contributed to economic growth and welfare of ACP states considering both static and dynamic effects. It also evaluates opportunities and threads of Economic Partnership Agreements.

From anti-modernism to the movement of regaining identity, in one way or another, we are all somehow looking for ways to find the harmony in this world. Respecting nature, be aware of the environment and co-exist with it, is worth further investigation. That is why I chose to examine the relationship of context and interior, with the help of natural light.

In this thesis, the effects that state sector relocations have on regional development in Sweden are investigated. In January 2017, a government report was released, suggesting the relocation of 10 000 state sector jobs from the capital of Stockholm to other parts of Sweden in order to enhance the preconditions for regional development in the destination localities. This thesis aims to investigate which effects that state sector relocations and state sector jobs have on regional development. Three determinants were used to find these effects: the share of state sector employees, the state sector employee growth rate and a dummy variable which denoted four separate occasions of larger relocations. Three of those relocations were executed as a compensation for military base closures. With a fixed effect panel data analysis, it was possible to investigate the effects of these three determinants and a number of control variables on two regional development variables: average income growth and net migration rate. The data used consists of panel data for the years 2006-2015 on a municipality level, with 264 included municipalities, in Sweden and derived from Statistics Sweden. The results showed that the state sector employee growth rate-variable had a positive effect on average income growth. However, the state sector relocation dummy had a negative effect on average income growth. These contradictory results, might be due to the military base closures which occurred a couple of years before the relocations, blurring the positive effects from the relocations. The state sector job-variables had no significant effect on net migration rate, and no obvious long-term effects were found as the share of state sector employees did not show any significant effects on average income growth.

The content of this thesis is an analysis of North-South regionalism within the American continent. Specifically, the approach of the United States as a representative of developed countries and Latin American countries as representative of developing countries to the liberalization of mutual economic relations. Chapter one deals with the issue of North-South regionalism and approaches of the most developed countries to this type of liberalization. Chapter two analyses the attitude of the U.S. and Latin American to the liberalization of their relations. Chapter three describes the approaches of concrete Latin American countries (Chile, Venezuela, Brazil) with respect to their different economic and business strategies applied in their foreign policy.

Magister Educationis - MEd / Regional integration is being proposed as a means to development in Southern Africa. As a part of the formal agreements regarding this cooperation, a Protocol on Education in the Southern African Development Community region has been signed. This research set out to compare the higher education systems of two Southern African countries and to examine the extent to which this Protocol has had an impact on national policies and practices. The research sought to investigate this by means of exploring the extent to which the Protocol has provided an institutional frame which is guiding the development of higher education policy in each of the two countries. The findings of the study indicate that the Protocol, rather than providing leadership in the area of education policy, is to a large extent a symbolic document, reflective of norms already existent in national policy in the two countries studied. The analysis found that the Protocol is not strong on the regulative domain, and that this may reflect the general tensions that exist in the region between regionalism and national sovereignty. Although, in general, educational practices in the two countries were found to be in line with Protocol aims, no areas of national policy were found which could be specifically ascribed to the Protocol. On the other hand, the accounts provided of policy development in each of the national contexts illustrate clearly how policy has grown in these two contexts, and how it is connected to broader national goals and previous education achievements. The national logic thus appears to be a far stronger determinant of policy than regionalism aims. The analysis also found that differences in higher education policy between the two contexts were not as great as had been expected, and over time, the systems appear to be becoming, at policy and structural levels, more similar. There is little in the Protocol itself which appears to be driving this increasing isomorphism, although undoubtedly, the processes which the Protocol has set in motion, such as regular meetings of the Education Ministers of the different countries, is acting to diffuse models of appropriateness with regard to education policy. However, it seems more likely, given trends in the global context towards apparent increasing uniformity in higher education policy, that global isomorphic pressures are being exerted directly onto the two countries, and that similarities between their polices can be explained as a result of this. / South Africa