Royal endowments to Brahmanas have been interpreted either as a factor of political integration or disintegration in Indian history. Through the first thorough presentation and analysis of the epigraphic data from Orissa, this study argues that the period 300-1147 C.E. was one of intensive state formation and political development in which royal grants played an important integrative role. During this period, Brahmanas, many of whom were ritual specialists associated with the Yajur Veda, emerged as land-holders endowed by royal decree with privileged control over land. Despite the consistent appearance of sectarian affiliations in the royal inscriptions, temples did not benefit from royal patronage on a comparable scale. Until the close of the period under review, it was the gift of land to Brahmanas, not the royally-endowed temple establishment, that was a major basis of royal legitimation and political integration in Orissa.

Thesis (doctoral)--Münster, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [237]-257) and index.

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With the world's fourth-largest Muslim population, Bangladesh is an important case study in the exploration of what it means to be a 'secular' country with Islam as a state religion. One important mechanism through which to analyse the relationship between religion and the state is through the country's laws, and family laws are especially significant in that they represent the state's determination of which long-standing social and religious practices find their way into legislation as a representation of societal values. As with many other countries with significant Muslim populations, personal status legislation has remained relatively static in the years following independence, despite attempts at change. Inspired by studies of negotiations between state and civil society actors in bringing about changes in law, this study analyses the evolution of family laws for Muslims in Bangladesh, revealing a range of voices using such laws in their negotiations between competing notions of 'Islam' and 'secularism' and their role in governance. Using parliamentary and Supreme Court records, newspaper archives, expert interviews, and secondary literature, I show that there has been little change in personal status legislation beyond procedural simplification, and that the judiciary and policymakers have had a tendency to support freedom of religious practice except in family laws. This study explores why this is the case, and focuses on the discourse around the National Women Development Policy and its clause on property and inheritance as the greatest point of contention in enhancing women's rights in family laws.

Japan experienced drastic economic, political, and social changes during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Her modernization process has many notable charactertics. In this paper, I discuss an ideology which governed all aspects of the Japanese people's lives between 1868 and 1945 and the people's reaction to it. This ideology , which is now called Tennōsei ideology (the ideology of the Tennō system), was based on the myth that emphasized the divinity of the Tennō (emperor). The Meiji government developed and cultivated Tennō-sei ideology as the theoretical backbone of the government's modernization policy. When one studies the problems of modernization in Japan, Tennōsei ideology and the people's reaction to it should not be overlooked. However, it is quite difficult to know how common people, especially those of the lower social strata, reacted to the changes in their lives which were caused by modernization. During the period between the late Tokugawa era and the late Meiji era, many new religious movements were born. Most founders' of those new religions experienced many difficulties firsthand and expressed critical views of modernization. They attracted people who suffered from the economic, political, social, and religious changes occuring during the rapid modernization process. This paper focuses on examining the religious teachings of Deguchi Nao, the founder of Omoto-kyō, because her writings, called Ofudesaki (Tip of A Writing Brush), contain the sharpest criticism against the Meiji government's policies and the Tennō. I examine religious currents in the late nineteenth century to find out why a large number of new religious movements developed during this period. Also the background of the Tennōsei ideology and how the Meiji government systematically made the ideology penetrate into Japanese people's minds are discussed in Chapter One. In Chapter Two, Deguchi Nao's life experiences as the background of her religious teachings are examined. For the purpose of clarifying Nao's religious ideas, I analyze her early Ofudesaki in chapter three. Through Ofudesaki, the Kami, Ushitora-no-Konjin, warned the people that the present world would be demolished unless they repented their sins quickly. Nao used only simple and unsophisticated expressions when she wrote Ofudesaki, but in it one can find her original mythology and view on salvation. In 1899, a man named Ueda Kisaburō (later changed his name to Deguchi Onisaburō joined . Nao's group. Although Onisaburō is considered by present Omoto-kyō followers as a co-founder of the organization, there were fundamental differences between Nao and him. Onisburō's religious and social background are discussed in chapter four. In chapter five, those ofudesaki written between 1896 and 1899 are analyzed, especially focusing on a series of pilgrimages, called Shussu, led by Nao. I also discuss whether it is appropriate to categorize Nao's religious group as a millenarian movement. Since the Meiji government was maintained by the myth of a 'divine' Tennō, the existence of a new religion which held an independent mythology could be considered a serious threat to the Tennō and his government. In conclusion, I re-examine the struggle between the Meiji government and the new religious movements as an important element of Japan's modernization process. / Arts, Faculty of / Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of / Graduate

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The Best MPhil Thesis in the Faculties of Architecture, Arts, Business & Economics, Education, Law and Social Sciences (University of Hong Kong), Li Ka Shing Prize, 1995-1997. / published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Pereira da Cruz.pdf: 963977 bytes, checksum: 3fe3add420115f20bf35e73ceb2779ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-15 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / Among all kinds of societies, religion and the power of the State outline alliances that have brought benefits and tensions. Religion was one of the first ones that emerged in the middle of a society, providing union around a divinity. Along history, kings, emperors, dictators and, according to a modern conception of the word, politicians saw religion as a great strength to help them in the process of leading the society through the development of doctrines and rules. Those relations changed the religious and political specialists into important agents inside societies due to the control of the relations among people which they influence. In Contemporary Brazil, the participation of religion in politics is a fact that has been repeated with Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD), which has gained prominence in the politics field due to its spectacular development and to the transference of its religious capital, through its theology, practices and speeches. Igreja Universal fits a third wave of Pentecostal churches which were developed in Brazil by the seventies, however, their practices and theology which were adapted to the social context where it is inserted, made it become a phenomenon which transcended the religious frontiers. The place conquered by IURD in the religious, social, media, business and political fields, worked as inspiration for other religious denominations, that followed their steps. The success of IURD, particularly, in the politics field was reached through bold strategies, which had begun with their candidate‟s choice and later with the liaison to PL (Partido Liberal), a right party, whose principles and ideologies fit perfectly to IURD ideals and beliefs. However, the church had to overcome a difficult moment in the nineties because of internal scandals involving their main leaders and mistakes made by the summit of the church by supporting, for example, Fernando Collor de Mello in the presidential elections of 1989 and the disappointment with Fernando Henrique Cardoso government. Those events ended up in a change of attitude towards Partido dos Trabalhadores, their old left issue and formed a victorious union between IURD/PL and PT, in the presidential elections of 2002, which resulted in the victory of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and in the reinforcement of Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus / Dentro das mais diversas sociedades, a religião e o poder de Estado constituído traçaram alianças que trouxeram benefícios e tensões. A religião foi uma das primeiras especialidades que surgiu no seio de uma sociedade, proporcionando união em torno de uma ou várias divindades. Ao longo da história, reis, imperadores, ditadores e, na concepção moderna da palavra, políticos viram na religião uma grande força para ajudá-los no processo de condução da sociedade, através da elaboração de doutrinas e normas. Essas relações transformaram os especialistas religiosos e políticos em agentes importantes dentro das sociedades, devido ao controle que eles exercem nas relações entre as pessoas. No Brasil contemporâneo, a participação da religião na política é um fato que se repete com a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD), que ganhou destaque no campo político devido ao seu espetacular crescimento e com a transferência para o mesmo do seu capital religioso, através de suas teologias, práticas e discursos. A Igreja Universal se enquadra numa terceira onda de igrejas pentecostais que se desenvolveram no Brasil, a partir de meados da década de 1970. Entretanto, suas práticas e teologias, que foram adaptadas ao contexto social em que ela está inserida, transformaram-na em um fenômeno que transcendeu as fronteiras religiosas. O espaço que a IURD conquistou no campo religioso, social, midiático, empresarial e político serviu de inspiração para outras denominações religiosas, que acabaram por seguir os seus passos. O sucesso da trajetória da IURD, em particular no campo político, foi alcançado com ousadas estratégias, que se iniciaram com a escolha de seus candidatos e posteriormente com a coligação ao PL (Partido Liberal) - um partido de direita, cujos princípios e ideologias casavam perfeitamente com os ideais e crenças iurdianas. No entanto, a Igreja viveu um momento difícil no decorrer da década de 1990, devido aos escândalos internos que envolviam seus principais líderes e a erros comedidos pela cúpula da Igreja, ao apoiarem, por exemplo, Fernando Collor de Mello, nas eleições presidenciais de 1989, bem como à decepção que a mesma teve com o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Tais acontecimentos serviram de trampolim para a mudança de postura mediante ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, seu antigo desafeto de esquerda, formando uma aliança vitoriosa entre a IURD/PL e o PT nas eleições presidenciais de 2002, que culminou na vitória do candidato petista Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e no refortalecimento da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus

Univ., Diss.--Münster, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [237] - 257.