Cette thèse porte sur la problématique de la laïcité et religion en Tunisie. L’enjeu est d’étudier ces deux notions dans un terrain nouveau : la Tunisie. Cette étude découle de l’indépendance jusqu’à la révolution. Dans le première partie, la thèse se concentre sur la genèse du concept de la laïcité, son originalité et la spécificité de la politique tunisienne. Cette partie constitue une première croisée entre le pouvoir politique et religieux. Dans la deuxième partie, la thèse se concentre sur la société tunisienne. Elle se focalise sur le déchirement entre l’adhésion du mouvement réformiste forcé par Bourguiba et l’islamisme représenté par le mouvement de la Tendance islamique. Cette partie sera une occasion pour explorer le nouvel espace social. Une nouvelle architecture sociale sera dessinée entre voilement féminin et l’épanouissement de la religiosité. Dans la dernière partie, nous nous accentuons sur l’effervescence de la pensée tunisienne contemporaine face au choix entre appropriation et adaptation à la laïcité. La question initiale dans cette partie est doublement ambiguë. Comment dispose la société islamique les questions qui la dérange ? La liberté religieuse, l’apostasie, le vin et le témoignage : des notions soumises à des débats sans fin. Comment pouvons-nous interpréter le retard de la société musulmane ? Les études de Charfi et Talbi nous donnent quelques pistes de réflexion. Une nouvelle génération féminine sera présente en Tunisie. Il sera temps de découvrir comment la pensée féminine occupe la scène culturelle en Tunisie. / This thesis relates to the problems of secularity and religion to Tunisia. The stake is to study these two concepts in a new ground : Tunisia. This study rises from independence until the revolution.In the first left, the thesis concentrates on the genesis of the concept of secularity, its originality and the specificity of the Tunisian policy. This part constitutes first cross between the political power and religious.In the second part, the thesis concentrates on the Tunisian society. It focuses hard tearing between the adhesion of the movement reformist forced by Bourguiba and the Islamism represented by the movement of the Islamic Tendency. This part will be an opportunity to explore new social space. A new social architecture will be drawn, between female warping and the blooming of the religiosity.In the last part, we are accentuated on the excitement of the contemporary Tunisian thought in front of the choice between appropriation and adaptation to the secularism. The initial question in this part is doubly ambiguous. how does the Islamic company lay out the questions which disturbs it? Religious freedom, apostasy, wine, testimony : concepts subjected to endless debates. How can we interpret the delay of the Muslim company? The studies of Charfi and Talbi give us some tracks of thought. A new feminine generation will be present in Tunisia. It will be time to discover how the female thought occupies it the cultural scene in Tunisia. This thesis tries to answer if secularity is the cause of the crisis of the Tunisian society or the solution.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-19T12:59:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LINDIÓGENES FERREIRA LOPES.pdf: 3136528 bytes, checksum: c5d11250d6250498491485b52ab151fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-19T12:59:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LINDIÓGENES FERREIRA LOPES.pdf: 3136528 bytes, checksum: c5d11250d6250498491485b52ab151fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-31 / This provision tralhado, as an object of religious studies with emphasis in Sociology, aims to present the church the Assemblies of God and their insertion aspects of party politics in the state of Goiás, with historical period from 1980 to 2010. For that, had the significant contribution of the theoretical apparatus of domination of Max Weber and the symbolic power Pierre Bourdieu, proposing as these joints are established in the religious landscape, especially with regard to political and religious activities. Continuing the text is split into three main moments of the research proposes the history of the Pentecostal movement and consequently how this phenomenon gaining strength in Brazil to achieve performance space in the political arena. Continuing the research object enters the picture, tracing the historical data of the Assemblies of God in Brazil and in the State of Goiás, as well as its forms and administrative strategies. The analysis continues in the third moment is specifically presented to party politics in the ADs, prioritizing the action of leadership related church policy goiano ground, prioritizing the three decades drawn the theme, from the first moment of access ADs in policy, through changing assembleiano pentecostal behavior on such practices to the final conquest of the political field. The aim of this study was to understand how the Assembly of God church, directed by its influential leaders, migrates from anonymity to the political leadership, it is therefore decisive in any elections. / Este tralhado disposto, enquanto objeto das Ciências da Religião com destaque em Sociologia, propõe a apresentar as igrejas Assembleias de Deus e seus aspectos de inserção na política partidária no Estado de Goiás, com recorte histórico de 1980 a 2010. Para isso, contou com a contribuição significativa dos aparatos teóricos sobre dominação de Max Weber e o poder simbólico em Pierre Bourdieu, propondo como essas articulações se estabelecem no cenário religioso, principalmente no que tange às atividades político-religiosas. Em continuidade ao texto, é fracionado em três grandes momentos da pesquisa que propõe a história do movimento pentecostal e consequentemente, como este fenômeno ganha força no território brasileiro até conseguir espaço de atuação na arena política. Em continuidade, o objeto de pesquisa entra em cena, traçando os dados históricos das Assembleias de Deus no Brasil e no Estado de Goiás, como também suas formas e estratégias administrativas. A análise dá continuidade no terceiro momento onde é apresentado especificamente a política partidária nas ADs, priorizando a ação da liderança da igreja relacionada a política em solo goiano, tendo como prioridade as três décadas traçadas pela temática, desde o primeiro momento de acesso das ADs na política, passando pela mudança do comportamento do pentecostal assembleiano sobre tais práticas até a conquista definitiva do campo político. O objetivo deste trabalho foi perceber como a igreja Assembleia de Deus, direcionada pelos seus líderes influentes , migra do anonimato para o protagonismo político, sendo, portanto, decisiva em qualquer período eleitoral.

Cette recherche traite la question de l’infirmité en tant qu’objet historique et d’analyse. Le terrain et l’époque choisis représentent un banc d’essai afin d’analyser la longue sédimentation et le renouvellement de certains mécanismes fondés sur l’infériorisation de l’infirme.La biographie et les parcours sociaux de certains individus provenant de différents milieux sociaux constituent des instruments pour saisir quelques mécanismes parmi ceux qui m’ont conduit à formuler la notion de dette symbolique. Inspirée par la sociologie de P. Bourdieu et par son concept de violence symbolique, cette notion est utile pour saisir la longue histoire des lectures sociales et de l’imaginaire qui infériorisent l’infirme par un mécanisme de renversement des causes et des effets. Ce n’est pas le déficit corporel qui produit cette infériorisation, mais plutôt cette vision infériorisante qui lit le fait corporel en décrétant le statut d’infériorité de l’individu. Cette lecture, cherche et trouve, dans l’objectivité corporelle de l’infirme des appuis qui la justifient.Dans la deuxième partie, nous nous confrontons à certains mécanismes, entre pratiques et discours, qui nous mettent face au renouvellement de ces schémas de pensée et d’action. D’abord, un certain nombre de cas de dispenses pour irrégularités par défaut corporel à laquelle doit se soumettre le prêtre qui, à cause de son infirmité, devient indigne et irrégulier dans l’exercice de son ministère. La construction religieuse de l’infirmité est également analysée à partir de la médecine pastorale, discipline du cursus de formation des prêtres, ainsi que de l’élaboration théologique. Les silences qui entourent les individus rendus infirmes par les accidents à l’intérieur du système industriel, associés à l’opacité et à l’insuffisance du développement des dispositifs qui devraient fournir les premières formes de réparation, constituent, au cours de la période historique retenue, de nouvelles formes qui contribuent à l’infériorisation du statut de l’infirme.La troisième partie porte sur l’analyse de certaines pratiques discursives avec un fort pouvoir pour construire l’opinion publique et un imaginaire sur l’infirmité : les chroniques d’un quotidien et un corpus de plus de cents textes littéraires. Dans les conclusions, se pose à nouveau la question de la construction de l’objet de recherche au sein du champ d’études du handicap, un champ très articulé, très conflictuel et aussi très orienté par l’action et l’engagement. / This research deals with the topic of infirmity as a historical subject matter and for analysis. The age and the field chosen are an opportunity to analyze the sedimentation and renewal of some mechanisms based on the inferiorization of the infirm. The life and social paths of individuals from different social backgrounds are a means of understanding some dynamics, which has led me to formulate the concept of symbolic debt. Inspired by P. Bourdieu’s theory of sociology and his concept of symbolic violence, this idea is a useful tool to help understand the long history of social and imaginary conceptions that inferiorize an invalid through a mechanism of reversal of causes and effects. It is not the physical corporeal deficit which produces this inferiorization, but it is this inferiorizing vision that reads the physical data by decreeing the statute of inferiority of the individual. This social qualification seeks and finds reasons justifying it in the corporeal objectivity of the infirm.In the second part, we are faced with certain mechanisms, between practices and speech, which put us in front of the long history and the renewal of these plans of thought and action. At first, a number of cases of dispensation for irregularities by physical defect. The priest, who has to submit himselft because of his infirmity, becomes unworthy and irregular in the exercise of his ministry. The religious construction of the infirmity is also analyzed from the pastoral medicine, the discipline of the program of training of the priests, as well as from the theological elaboration. The silences which surround the individuals cause incidents within the industrial system, together with the opaqueness and the insufficiency of the development of the devices which should supply the first form of repair, establish, during the chosen historic period, new forms which contribute to the inferiorization of the status of the infirm.The third part is concerned with the analysis of certain discursive practices with a strong power to build public opinion and an image of the infirm: the chronicles of a daily paper and a corpus of more than a hundred literary texts. In conclusion, it raises again the question of the construction of the object of research within the study of disability, a field very articulated, very conflicting and strongly oriented toward action and involvement.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Francisco.pdf: 2035690 bytes, checksum: 8acba4eccdacc242a07fd9ce465144b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work analyses a fragmentation which is occurring in neopentecostalism, trying to investigate the relationship between the reasons of such fragmentation and the specific ways by wich Pentecostal groups establish themselves in modernity, above all in their concepts of power and in the forms of their structure. This inquiry was done in dialogue with the theory of secularization and of modern power, and is empirically founded on qualitative research, done in interviews with leaders of neopentecostal churches in the city of Sorocaba. Developing this kind of analysis, it is demonstrated how these religious expressions represent an adaptation to the environment of Brazilian modernity and modern culture, especially by the assimilation of popular beliefs and practices, and through the culture of marketing. And it is in this connection between the form of exercise of Power and modern cultural, political and economic contexts, that one finds the explanation of this accentuated neopentecostal fragmentation.(AU) / Este trabalho analisa a fragmentação que vem ocorrendo no neopentecostalismo, procurando investigar as relações entre as causas dessa fragmentação e a forma específica como os grupos neopentecostais se colocam na Modernidade, sobretudo em seus conceitos de poder e nas formas de sua estruturação. Essa investigação é feita em diálogo com as teorias da secularização, da modernidade e do poder moderno e é fundamentada empiricamente em pesquisa de campo qualitativa realizada através de entrevistas com líderes de igrejas neopentecostais na cidade de Sorocaba. Ao desenvolver essa análise, demonstramos como essas expressões religiosas representam uma adaptação ao ambiente da modernidade brasileira e à cultura moderna, especialmente pela assimilação de crenças e práticas populares e da adoção da lógica e da cultura de mercado. É nessa vinculação entre as formas de exercício do poder e o contexto cultural, político e econômico modernos que explica-se a acentuada fragmentação neopentecostal.(AU)

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-13T17:51:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMariaCarvalhoMetzler.pdf: 1811546 bytes, checksum: dade0b96393301aa2626f2add411b49c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T17:51:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMariaCarvalhoMetzler.pdf: 1811546 bytes, checksum: dade0b96393301aa2626f2add411b49c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-19 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho trata da relação entre os poderes político e religioso na construção de representações identitárias de instituições de ensino superior de confessionalidade católica (IESCC) no período de 1995 a 2010. Inspirando-nos na teoria bourdieusiana consideramos as IESCC como um núcleo do campo educacional das instituições de ensino superior (IES). Como tal, sofrem influências e tanto do poder político, entendido como poder de Estado, quanto do religioso legitimado nas ações do Papa, dos agentes da Congregação para a Educação Católica do Vaticano, das Arquidioceses, Dioceses, Ordens e Congregações Católicas e respectivas Inspetorias e Províncias que administram e mantêm IESCC no território Brasileiro. Na relação entre os poderes, identificamos momentos de tensão, embates e negociações. Para identificação das representações identitárias das IESCC, utilizamo-nos de documentos como, acordos de cooperação, leis e decretos, códigos, constituições e sites institucionais de noventa e cinco IESCC. Através da análise documental, concluímos que o núcleo se constitui de instituições mantidas por Arquidioceses e Dioceses e Ordens e Congregações Católicas e apresenta três tipos de instituições: as Pontifícias ou Eclesiásticas; Católicas e Católicas de fato, mas não de direito. Entre as práticas adotadas pelos agentes das IESCC identificamos: criação de IES de pequeno porte como faculdades, escolas e Institutos Superiores; domínios de cursos de bacharelado nas áreas de Ciências Humanas, Sociais e Aplicadas e Tecnológicas; demarcação da indissociabilidade do ensino, pesquisa e extensão; aumento de instituições Católicas; formação de redes institucionais; inclusão de novas congregações mantenedoras, originariamente, não voltadas para a missão educativas; transformação de escolas formadora de religiosos em IES; ocupação de outros espaços regionais, adoção de políticas de gestão organizacional, etc. As IESCC evidenciam dois pontos de vista: um voltado para a formação humanista e outro parece acreditar que este propósito deve ser alterado para continuar se expandindo em um mercado competitivo. No entanto é senso comum que ser católico deve ser demarcado no campo seja enquanto marca ou como explicitação de uma formação ético-cristã. / This research project will explain the relation between the political and religious power in the construction of identitary representations of higher education institutions of Catholic confessionality (HEICC) in the period from1995 to 2010. Based on the Bourdieusian theory we consider the HEICC as an essential part of the educational field of higher education institutions (HEI). As such they suffer influences from both the political power, regarded as State power, and from the religious power legitimized in the Pope’s actions, the Congregation agents for Catholic Education of the Vatican, Archdioceses, Dioceses, Catholic Orders and Congregations and Inspectorates and Provinces which manage and keep HEICC in the Brazilian territory. We identified moments of tension, differences and negotiation in the relation between the powers. In order to analyze the identitary representations of HEICC we made use of cooperation agreements, laws and decrees, codes, constitutions and institutional sites of ninety-five HEICC. Through documental analysis we concluded that the core is constituted by institutions kept by Archdioceses and Dioceses and Catholic Orders and Congregations and presents three types of institutions: Pontifical or Ecclesiastical, Catholic and Catholic by right, butnot on the rule of law. We identified among the practices adopted by the agents of HEICC the creation of small HEI such as colleges, schools and Higher Institutes; Bachelor’s degree courses in Human, Social and Applied and Technological Sciences; demarcation of the indissociability of teaching, research and university extension courses; increase of Catholic institutions; formation of institutional networks; the inclusion of new sponsoring congregations originally not aimed towards the educational mission; transformation of religious professional schools into HEI; occupation of other local areas; adoption of organizational management policies, etc. The HEICC emphasize two points of view: One focused on the humanistic formation and another which seems to believe that this purpose must be altered in order to keep expanding in a competitive market. However it is common sense that being catholic mustbe demarcated in the field whether in mark or explanation of an ethical-christian formation.

Dans un contexte de bouleversements sociaux et d’une profonde polarisation politique entre la gauche et la droite, les élections présidentielles de 2018 au Brésil ont confirmé une significative montée du conservatisme dans la société brésilienne. Cela a conduit l'extrême droite au pouvoir, dont la campagne électorale était basée sur un discours conservateur anti-LGBTQ. Par conséquent, des manifestations hostiles contre les minorités sexuelles ont gagné en importance autour des disputes politiques, notamment des manifestations conservatrices contre l'exposition d'art Queermuseu en 2017. Toutefois, cette situation révèle une certaine contradiction au Brésil, où la communauté LGBTQ est constamment opprimée par un conservatisme qui gagne en force, en même temps qu’elle bénéficie d'un certain nombre de droits et de protections. Ainsi, afin de comprendre les aspects de cette situation contradictoire et les mécanismes de ce conservatisme qui se développent au Brésil, cette étude propose une analyse des circonstances historiques et politiques qui ont mené aux hostilités contre cette exposition. D’ailleurs, une comparaison de l’affaire Queermuseu avec un cas similaire aux États-Unis en 2010, l'exposition HIDE/SEEK à la National Portrait Gallery, permet de comprendre comment des polémiques autour des normes morales peuvent être exploitées au profit des politiciens conservateurs. Ces analyses révèlent l’existence d’un conservatisme politique au Brésil étroitement lié à un pouvoir religieux qui agit de manière stratégique dans l’arène politique en quête du pouvoir, par le truchement des églises évangéliques, qui sont constamment en opposition aux demandes de la communauté LGBTQ. / In a context of social upheaval and deep political polarization between left and right, the 2018 presidential election in Brazil confirmed a significant increase of conservatism in Brazilian society that led to the rise of the far-right, whose political campaign was based on a conservative anti-LGBTQ rhetoric. As a result, hostile demonstrations against sexual minorities have gained prominence, including conservative protests against the Queermuseu, a queer art exhibition, in 2017. However, this situation reveals a certain contradiction in Brazil, where despite the constant oppression caused by the increase of conservatism, the LGBTQ community is granted a certain number of rights and protections in public policies. Thus, this study proposes an analysis of the political and historical circumstances that led to the hostility toward this exhibition as a means to better understand the aspects of this contradictory situation and the mechanisms of the variety of conservatism that has developed in Brazil. Moreover, a comparison between the polemics around the Queermuseu and a similar case that took place in the United States during the 2010 exhibition HIDE/SEEK, presented at the National Portrait Gallery, helps us understand how controversies around moral norms can be exploited to the benefit of conservative politicians. The information gathered reveals the existence in Brazil of a political conservatism that is closely linked to a religious current that, in a quest for power in the political arena, acts strategically through evangelical churches that constantly oppose the claims of the LGBTQ community.