Caterina Percoto, auteure de nouvelles champêtres, est née et a passé l'essentiel de sa vie à San Lorenzo di Soleschiano, village du Frioul, à un moment crucial de l'histoire de l'Italie, le Risorgimento, qui aboutit à l'unification italienne. L'objet de cette thèse est de faire découvrir, à travers sa biographie et son oeuvre, cette écrivaine qui reste encore largement méconnue en dehors de sa région d'origine, en la replaçant en particulier dans le contexte historique du Risorgimento. Dans une première partie, les éléments proposés pour une biographie de Caterina Percoto permettent d'éclairer sa personnalité et son oeuvre. Il s'agit en particulier de montrer la tension constante entre les aspirations de cette femme au tempérament rebelle et les contraintes sociales, familiales et matérielles qui s'y opposent. La prise de conscience précoce de la condition subalterne de la femme, la nécessité de vivre à la campagne et de gérer la propriété agricole familiale, la rencontre avec les milieux libéraux et patriotes du Royaume de Lombardie-Vénétie, sont autant d'éléments qui trouvent une résonance dans son oeuvre. Dans une deuxième partie, l'étude des nouvelles italiennes de Caterina Percoto, met en évidence l'attention portée aux problématiques de son époque et l'engagement de l'écrivaine dans l'élaboration d'une nouvelle société italienne. Son oeuvre reflète en effet sa prise de position pour une réforme sociale qui conduise à une société plus juste et solidaire, intégrant dignement tous ses membres, femmes et paysans inclus, ainsi que sa dénonciation de la domination autrichienne dans la Péninsule et sa revendication patriotique d'un État italien indépendant et unitaire. / Caterina Percoto, writer of countryside short stories, was born and spent most of her life in San Lorenzo di Soleschiano, a village of Frioul, at an essential moment in the history of Italy, the Risorgimento, which resulted in the Italian unification. The purpose of this thesis is, through her biography and works, to make discover this writer who remains largely unknown out of her region of origin, notably with placing her back in the historical context of the Risorgimento. First, the elements proposed for Caterina Percoto's biography enable us to highlight her personality and works. The purpose is more specifically to show the constant tension between the aspirations of this reckless woman and the social, family, and material constraints which stand in opposition. The early awareness of the inferior position of women, the necessity to live in the countryside and manage the family farm, her meeting with the liberal and patriotic circles of the Lonbardy-Venetia Kingdom, all these elements find an echo in her works. Second, studying Caterina Percoto's Italian short stories draws attention to the great issues of her time and the commitment of this writer in creating a new Italian society. Indeed her works reveal her engagement in favour of a social reform which would end up in a society with more justice and solidarity, a society where all members, peasants and women included, would stand together with dignity. But they also illustrate her denouncing of Austrian dominion over the Peninsula and her patriotic claim for an independent and united Italian state.

Ce travail propose une étude du caractère «libéral» et «national» accordé à Jean-Marie Mastaï Ferretti, le pape Pie IX, pendant ses premières trois années de pontificat. Par les biais d'une documentation hétérogène (sources d'archives, pamphlets, tracts, journaux, lithographies populaires, correspondances privées, mémoires et journaux intimes), l'étude fournit une reconstruction de la naissance de ce caractère avec l'amnistie pontificale de 1846; de ses métamorphoses complexes qui croisent la politique papale, le statut des images et des dévotions aux XIX siècle et la propagande politique et religieuse, aussi que l'imagerie du complot; et de sa partielle dissolution après les révolutions de 1848. L'enquête, tout en se confrontant avec le concept de «mythe» – outil avec lequel le phénomène a été souvent interprété – procède par une mise en question de cette catégorie et parvient à la remplacer par le concept plus opératoire d'«investissement émotif»: la figure d'un pape «libéral» et «national» serait alors le produit d'un travail culturel collectif – auquel Pie IX lui-même n'a pas été étranger – qui relève des préoccupations théologico-politiques de la société post-révolutionnaire européenne: résoudre les dilemmes de l'époque, en conciliant des concepts logiquement (et apparemment) incompatibles comme liberté et ordre, nationalité et théologie catholique. La méthode choisie est celle de l'histoire comparée: il s'agit en effet de reconstruire un contexte pluriel, relevant d'un entrelacement de sources, de deux côté des Alpes, afin de parvenir à une connaissance plus pointue d'une grande utopie vécue à la moitié du XIX siècle. / This dissertation offers a study of the «liberal» and «national» nature attributed to John-Mary Mastai Ferretti, the pope Pius IX, during his first three years of pontificate. Exploiting an heterogeneous mass of sources (archival items, typing and handwritten papers, pamphlets, posters, newspapers, popular engravings and etchings, private letters, journals), this study retraces the origins of the phenomenon since the papal amnisty of 1846; its mixed transformations which come across papal policy, the status of images and devotional practices in 19th century, political as well as religious propaganda, and conspiracy theory besides; finally, its partial dissolution after the revolutions of 1848. Facing the concept of «myth» – a tool uncritically used for a long time to interpret the phenomenon –this study proceeds on questioning this category and it attains to the most operational concept of «emotional investment»: hence the figure of a «liberal» and «national» pope would be the product of a collective work – to whom Pius himself was not extraneous – which was a matter for the theologico-political worries of post-revolutional european society: namely to solve the religious and political dylemmas of modern age, in order to appeasing some ideas which are not logically (and apparently) compatible, such as freedom and order, nationalism and catholic theology. The method choised to investigate this phenomenon is the comparative one: in retracing a plural context (that is a network of sources) between the two sides of Alps, it will be possible to have a more deep knowledge of a great living utopia in the middle of 19th century.

L’objectif de cette recherche est d’étudier les forces de l’ordre siciliennes pendant la dictature garibaldienne de 1860, pour montrer comment l’île a été concrètement administrée par les chemises rouges dès la libération de Palerme. Il s’agit donc de saisir les traces de continuité ou de discontinuité en matière de contrôle territorial, d’ordre public et de police dans la région, au moment de la construction du nouvel État italien. L’effondrement du régime bourbonien dans l’île, causé par la nouvelle « révolution » sicilienne, laissa le pays dans une profonde crise politique et sociale. Il ne s’agissait pas seulement d’assurer le contrôle de l’espace et de l’ordre public, mais aussi d’établir et de légitimer un nouvel équilibre social et politique afin de s’assurer le soutien des élites siciliennes, tout en les inscrivant dans une perspective nationale : un défi majeur, qui obligea l’exécutif garibaldien à dépasser la simple dimension militaire pour envisager des pratiques de gouvernement inédites. Dans cette thèse, il s’agit donc de relire l’histoire de la dictature garibaldienne à partir de ses institutions policières, prisme multiforme pour saisir la complexité de la réalité sicilienne. Le résultat de ce travail de recherche propose de nouveaux éléments utiles pour comprendre, d’un point de vue différent par rapport aux études antérieures, le moment clé de l’Unification italienne. / This research focuses on the Sicilian police during the Garibaldian dictatorship of 1860 and analyses how the “red shirts” ruled the island. The goal of this work is to retrace continuities and discontinuities of local control, public order and police service during the construction of the modern Italian state. The new Sicilian revolution brought about the collapse of the Bourbon regime in Sicily and the beginning of a deep social and political crisis all over the country. Therefore, the main goal of the local administration was to guarantee public order and respect for the law. In order to gain the support of local elites, the administration had to achieve a new social and political balance based on a national outlook. New practical instruments to rule the country were developed alongside existing military ones. This thesis provides a different interpretation of the history of the Garibaldian dictatorship through the “police prism”, in an effort to understand the complexity of the Sicilian context. In the end, this work underpins new elements that are useful to grasp the key moment of the Italian Unification and suggests a different interpretation of this phenomenon compared to the traditional analysis of the subject.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T21:31:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 6 Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues1.pdf: 1625547 bytes, checksum: 08f4dbfe35662fac759b407c89c425dd (MD5) Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues2.pdf: 3342755 bytes, checksum: 2b2e5f9b3aad590f7f5c6d7ba126a584 (MD5) Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues3.pdf: 3272978 bytes, checksum: 82a51b6b87960cb73c34dd3574e109c8 (MD5) Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues4.pdf: 1364254 bytes, checksum: b85318cfaee922ae97ee966853cce001 (MD5) Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues5.pdf: 2796482 bytes, checksum: 58073e41c20ffb2d71800b07bf6c3861 (MD5) Maria Clarice Lima Rodrigues6.pdf: 799728 bytes, checksum: e91b149c76eead026df3a3eaf4d634da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-04 / The present work centralizes the political practice of Giuseppe Verdi and the analysis of the feminine voices in the Romantic Opera Aida. Through music and an exemplar personal conduct, the nationalist composer has expressed his own political opinions with his operas, which made him a symbol of the conquest of independence and national unity, a period known as Risorgimento, a movement of the Italian history that sought the country s unification between 1875 and 1870. Composed in his maturity, Aida (1871) reflects two crucial aspects of his carrier: the political theme and the concern about man within the society. His contribution for the Italian Romantic Opera development brought innovations in two ways: a) the evolution of drama, where we find the ideal solution between text and music, the word Scenic that first occurred in the end of the XIX and beginning of the XX century; b) the vocal typology of the end of Romanticism the specificity that Verdi gave vocal registries of his characters in that period achieved much importance, so now it is known as Verdian Vocal Evolutions. As a historical reference of Aida and its period of composition from the time it was ordered to its premiere in Cairo and Milan this research seeks after the dialogue in the correspondences between Verdi and his friends, and his co-participation in a libretto with Antonio Ghislanzoni. In relation to the feminine voices, we have investigated the detailing of Verdi s vocal registries and particularities in the vocal line of characters Aida (soprano) and Amneris (mezzo-soprano), presenting a descriptive analysis of the musical excerpts studied in accordance with the evolution of the drama. / O presente trabalho centraliza a prática política de Giuseppe Verdi e a análise das vozes femininas em sua ópera romântica Aída. Através da música e de sua exemplar conduta cívica, o compositor nacionalista expressou suas opiniões políticas com suas óperas. Desse modo transformou-se em símbolo do processo de conquista da independência e da unidade nacional, período conhecido como Risorgimento, movimento na história italiana que buscou entre 1815 e 1870 unificar o país. Composta na maturidade, Aída (1871) reflete dois aspectos cruciais de sua carreira: o tema político e a preocupação com o homem dentro da sociedade. Sua contribuição para o desenvolvimento da ópera romântica italiana trouxe importantes inovações em duas vertentes: a) na evolução do drama, onde encontramos a solução ideal entre texto e música, a palavra cênica, ocorrida na virada do século XIX para o XX e b) na tipologia vocal no final do Romantismo a especificidade que Verdi concedeu aos registros vocais de suas personagens no período, a ponto de chamarmos mais particularmente como evolução das vozes verdianas. Como referência histórica de Aída e seu período de composição - da encomenda à estréia no Cairo e Milão - nossa pesquisa busca o relato das correspondências entre Verdi e seus amigos e sua co-participação no libreto com Antonio Ghislanzoni. Com relação às vozes femininas, investigamos o detalhamento dos registros vocais em Verdi e particularidades da linha vocal das personagens Aída (soprano) e Amneris (mezzo-soprano) apresentando numa análise descritiva os trechos musicais em estudo de acordo com evolução do drama.

This is a thesis about English and American imaginative identification with Italy in the period 1848–1865, facilitated by and expressed through periodicals and newspapers. At the centre of the thesis sits New England magazine The Atlantic Monthly, which during the Civil War emerged as a vehicle for abolitionist literature, but which also published extensively on Italy. The Risorgimento, the movement that sought Italian unification, triumphed in 1861—the same year that the battle of Fort Sumter signalled the start of the American Civil War that would last until 1865. This thesis investigates the transatlantic relationship between the Risorgimento and the Civil War as it emerged in The Atlantic Monthly, The Springfield Daily Republican and other nineteenth–century publications, and it does so through contextualised readings of Arthur Hugh Clough, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Emily Dickinson. These three seemingly very disparate authors are connected by The Atlantic Monthly: Clough’s epistolary poem on the fall of the 1849 Roman Republic, Amours de Voyage, was first published there in 1858; Harriet Beecher Stowe serialised her historical Italian romance Agnes of Sorrento in The Atlantic Monthly between 1861 and 1862; and Dickinson was inspired to write a series of poems on Italy and volcanoes after reading both The Atlantic Monthly and local morning newspaper The Springfield Daily Republican. They are also connected by their fascination with Italy. This thesis argues that nineteenth–century periodicals need to be studied in a transatlantic context: they cannot be read, in the traditional style of Benedict Anderson, as simple affirmations of nationalism and national culture. Another way of putting it is to say that this thesis is about a series of exchanges of influence and thought that get attached to national projects but are in themselves international.

Du premier congrès des scientifiques italiens de 1839 à la veille de la Grande Guerre, de nombreux mathématiciens italiens ont pris part à la vie politique de leur pays. Cette thèse examine les différentes modalités de cet engagement : le mouvement national, qui se décline dans le domaine scientifique par une forme spécifique de patriotisme dans un contexte d’unification de l’Italie, en est un aspect. Mais il s’agit d’analyser plus généralement la façon dont le statut de mathématicien peut être réinvesti dans le champ politique pour fonder un discours de légitimation, une forme d’expertise, revendiquer un regard spécifique sur le politique. Cela suppose de penser la circulation entre champ mathématique et politique avec les outils de l’histoire des intellectuels : comparer les stratégies d’ascension dans ces deux champs, analyser comment les conflits s’y transposent, comment les acteurs répartissent leur temps entre les différentes activités. Il s’agit donc de comprendre comment les transformations de la vie politique italienne autour de l’unification ont permis l’émergence de nouveaux hommes politiques, de mesurer leur réception par le milieu politique mais aussi dans le champ académique, ainsi que la façon dont leur double appartenance a pu affecter leur façon d’être mathématiciens. / From the first congress of Italian scientists in 1839 to the eve of World War I, many Italian mathematicians took part to the political life of their country. This PhD deals with the different modalities of this involvement: Italian national movement, which results in the scientific field in a specific shape of patriotism in a context of Italian unification, is one aspect. But I intend to draw a more general analysis of the way the position of a mathematician can be used in the political field to found a legitimating discourse, some kind of expertise, or to claim a specific way to consider political questions. In order to do so, I will need to consider circulations between mathematical and political fields with tools the history of intellectuals: I will thus compare the strategies of advancement in those two fields, analyze how the conflicts are transposed and how the actors divide their time between their different activities. So I intend to understand how the transformations of the Italian political life around national unification made possible the emergence of new politicians, to assess their reception in political and academic worlds and the way their double belonging influenced their practice as mathematicians.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Nice. / Bibliogr. p. 206-218.

LE STORIE D’ITALIA NELL’ETÀ DELLA RESTAURAZIONE IL CASO DI CARLO BOTTA La tesi ha, come primo obiettivo, attraverso la discussione e l’analisi di alcune categorie e paradigmi storiografici ottocenteschi, alla luce di diverse esperienze metodologiche, quello di indagare in che modo il XIX secolo abbia forgiato e utilizzato concetti come quello di Restaurazione, nonché la medesima categoria di Stato Moderno, senza dimenticare cosa significhi propriamente Risorgimento. Studiare, dunque, aspetti ed eventi della storia risorgimentale italiana, che desiderano mettere in luce alcune importanti riflessioni intorno alla Storia di un periodo, che vanno ben oltre una semplice consequenzialità cronologica, avendo come esito scontato l’evento unitario nazionale. Questo punto di partenza ha generato una serie d’interrogativi, da cui questa tesi prende le mosse. La domanda sostanziale riguarda in che momento in Italia si sia incominciato a parlare di «nazione», ma soprattutto concetti come «patria», e quali siano state le modalità per definire lo «spirito patriottico», e da dove esso sia nato. Le fonti più importanti sono rappresentate, principalmente, da «Storie d’Italia», utilizzate come fonti, venute alla luce nella prima metà dell’Ottocento con alterne fortune. In particolare, grande attenzione è dedicata alla figura di Carlo Botta, il quale, in tutto lo svolgimento di questa ricerca, si costituisce a paradigma, proprio per il suo vissuto personale, fatto di innumerevoli esperienze politiche e culturali, di un’aspirazione risorgimentale in una tensione narrativa che è emersa dalla lettura e approfondimento delle sue Storie d’Italia. Esse si costituiscono, infatti, come fonte imprescindibile nel comprovare le ragioni di questa ricerca, e insieme, attraverso la spiegazione della sua Vita, nel porre in luce contrasti e punti di contatto di un’epoca che pone le sue radici identitarie, ben prima di quanto la storia moderna abbia voluto consegnarci. / THE STORIES OF ITALY AGE OF RESTORATION THE CASE OF CARLO BOTTA This thesis has as its primary objective, through the discussion and the analysis of certain categories and paradigms of nineteenth-century historiography, in the light of several methodological experiences, the one to explore how the nineteenth century has forged and used concepts such as Restoration, as the same category Modern State, without forgetting what Risorgimento exactly means. Studying therefore issues and events of the Italian Risorgimento history, which would like to highlight some important thoughts around the history of a period, going far beyond a simple chronological consequentiality, having as the foregone conclusion the united national event. This starting point has generated a series of questions build on by this thesis. The basic question concerns in which time Italy has begun to talk about "nation", but above all concepts such as “homeland”, and how to define the “patriotic spirit”, and whence it was born. The most important sources are represented, mainly, by the “Stories of Italy”, used as sources, which came to light in the first half of the nineteenth century with alternating success. In particular, great attention is devoted to the figure of Carlo Botta, who, throughout the course of this research, constitutes himself as a paradigm for his own personal experience indeed, made up of innumerable political and cultural experiences, as well as a Risorgimento’s ambition in a narrative tension, that has emerged from the reading and close examination of his Histories of Italy. Actually, they are an absolute source in proving the reasons for this research and together, through the explanation of his Life, draw the attention to the contrasts and points of contact of an era that has its identity-making roots far earlier than modern history has given us.

Beginning around 1850, Italians found themselves in the midst of an identity crisis. Europeans in France and England had surpassed Italians in terms of political, economic, and social progress. Italians seemed trapped in the past, clinging to their magnificent artistic heritage. However, new cultural and social movements were on the rise in Italy that attempted to throw off the domination of other European entities and forge a promising future for Italy. The Macchiaioli, a group of Italian modern artists who painted from 1853 to 1908, were the first group to address contemporary social issues such as class struggle and national weakness. Their art called for progressive change and arguably influenced how the later Italian Futurist movement would address similar concerns beginning in 1909. One of the Macchiaioli, Telemaco Signorini, advocated the development of new technologies and industries—dominated by men—in realist paintings from 1853 to 1901. Futurist artist Giacomo Balla gained recognition for promoting similar ideas in a more radical fashion. Most art historians believe that the Futurists were influenced by trends originating in Western Europe, specifically the French avant-garde. This thesis argues that the Futurists were significantly influenced by an Italian tradition that originated with the Macchiaioli. The Macchiaioli were animated by a nationalistic fervor and a desire to create a strong and unified Italian state. They used art and literature to advance progressive ideals based on masculine acts. The Futurists responded to similar stimuli in their day. In the absence of a powerful national identity, Signorini and Balla employed modern artistic styles to idealize masculine solutions to social problems. Both ultimately foresaw a world in which technology, mastered by men, would elevate Italian society.

Carlo Cattaneo (1801-1869) would have been a remarkable man in any time period. He was interested in everything, and as a man of ideas was involved in the astonishing technological and stimulating political events of the nineteenth century. He encouraged the building of railways as a way to unite the Italian peninsula, and he was involved in connecting Italy to the rest of Europe through the St. Gothard Tunnel. An innovator of gas lighting in his native Milan, the great Lombard thinker was a prolific writer, and kept prodigious notes and copies of his correspondence. His economic and scientific involvement in the latest technology was emblematic of the intellectual strides he made. For example, he logically and rationally argued for racial and religious tolerance of the Jews over one hundred years before the enactment of the infamous Racial Laws in Fascist Italy. Today most know Carlo Cattaneo as the father of Italian federalism. During the Cinque Giornate insurrection in Milan in 1848, Carlo Cattaneo was an integral part of the war committee, and its spokesman. Although he had many liberal ideas about government and the rights of men, Carlo Cattaneo was a reluctant revolutionary, preferring exile in Switzerland over pledging allegiance to the Savoyard monarchy during the Risorgimento. Historians have almost unanimously declared that Carlo Cattaneo was anticlerical and irreligious. This was not true. CARLO CATTANEO: THE RELIGIOSITY OF A RELUCTANT REVOLUTIONARY examines the writings and the correspondence of Carlo Cattaneo, and concludes that the Cattanean opus is replete with Biblical references and allusions, Christian traditions and ideas. Historians have not taken the religiosity found in the writings of Carlo Cattaneo seriously. This thesis does.