Orientador: Elide Rugai Bastos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T10:55:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Botelho_Andre_D.pdf: 20944869 bytes, checksum: d8463f3ec38c8f262de2e0f117896dc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / Resumo: o objetivo do trabalho é recuperar a identidade histórica e o sentido político das idéias de Ronald de Carvalho formuladas nos anos 20. Para tanto propõe, no plano metodológico, integrar trajetória intelectual, contexto intelectual e obra como dimensões analíticas associadas de uma sociologia das idéias. A hipótese é que as suas idéias formaram um programa intelectual relativamente sistemático e politicamente relevante para conotar negativamente a premissa iluminista da história como processo interdependente da razão e a conseqüente organização democrática e racional da sociedade a ela associada, princípios tão importantes para a cultura política liberal agonizante nos anos 20. É nesse sentido que se entende suas proposições da particularidade da formação da sociedade brasileira, da inadequação dos modelos estéticos, intelectuais, políticos e sociais entendidos como importados e da idéia de cultura como base da adequação das instituições à realidade nacional particular e, assim, de coesão moral da sociedade brasileira como nação. Idéias que, no contexto de crise da Primeira República, constituíram forças sociais relevantes para a formação da hegemonia de um Estado unitário, centralista e autoritário deflagrada com a Revolução de 30 / Abstract: The purpose of this work is to retrieve the historical identity and the political sense of the Ronald de Carvalho's ideas manifested in the twenties. The purpose's target in the methodological field is to join the intellectual trajectory, intellectual context and literary composition as analytical dimensions associated with the sociology of ideas. The assumption is that his ideas created an intellectual program relatively systematic and politically relevant to connote negatively the IIuminist premise of history as interdependent process of reason and the ensuing democrat and rational organisation related to it, principies so important to the political liberal culture disappearing in the twenties. In this way his proposals on the particularity of the Brazilian society formation, inadequacy of the aesthetic, intellectual, political and social models are understood as imported and the idea of culture as support of the adequacy of institutions to the particular national reality, and therefore, of the moral cohesion of the Brazilian society as nation. Ideas that, in the context of the First Republic crisis, constituted social forces relevant to the formation of the hegemony of a centralist and authoritarian State arose with the Revolution of 30 / Doutorado / Doutor em Sociologia

V práci je provedena analýza hospodářské politiky vlády amerického prezidenta v 80. letech. Především se jedná o nastínění změny směru vedení hospodářské politiky z dříve prosazované keynesiánské na novou politiku teoreticky podporovanou monetarismem a školou strany nabídky. Analýza hospodářské politiky jednoho z nejvýznamnějších amerických prezidentů by nemohla být provedena bez toho, aniž by nebyla blíže vysvětlena Reaganova osobnost, jeho přesvědčení a schopnost zrealizovat konkrétní politické kroky. Ekonomické oživení v první polovině 80. let bylo zapříčiněno výraznou daňovou reformou a podporou strany nabídky. Stejně tak, jako Reagan oživil ekonomiku, povzbudil v Američanech národní hrdost a to především fiskální podporou sektoru národní obrany. Umění vládnout Ronalda Reagana bylo jednou z hlavních příčin ukončení studené války a vzniku samostatných států ve střední a východní Evropě.

A presente dissertação investiga o problema da eutanásia. A tecnologia biomédica avançou nestas últimas duas décadas de forma notável, no bom e no mau sentido. É graças a esta tecnologia que muitos e muitos doentes têm sido salvos de suas enfermidades transitórias, porém, de outro lado, estas mesmas medidas, escravizam milhares de vidas a serem vividas sem qualquer perspectiva de cura ou melhora, somente prolongando a vida e o sofrimento de pacientes terminais. Nesse contexto, buscou-se trazer para conhecimento de toda comunidade científica, bem como dos estudantes de direito e afins, as teorias de direito do notório autor Ronald Dworkin, para possibilitar, num primeiro momento, demonstrar como este vê e entende o Direito e para, após, apresentar sua visão acerca do instituto da eutanásia. Por fim, expor a proposta de Dworkin em face de pedidos de eutanásia, bem como trazê-la para a realidade brasileira, verificando a possibilidade de sua implementação face à legislação vigente. Ressalta-se que se espera com este trabalho proporcionar mais uma fonte de conhecimento, para instigar a reflexão acerca da eutanásia em nossa sociedade, uma vez que é realmente necessária já que a morte é um processo vital pelo qual todos nós passaremos. / The present dissertation deals with the euthanasia’s problem. The biomedical technology advanced to much in these last two decades, in the good one and bad one way. Is is thanks to this new technology that many sick people have been safe of its disease. However, in the another way, this same technology has been slaving thousand of lives, to live without any cure’s perspective or health’s improves, only prolonging those lifes and those suffering. In this context, it tries to bring to the scientific community and for all students, the Law’s Theories of Ronald Dworkin, a very famous author, to make possible to show how he sees and undestands Law. And then, presents his vision concerning the euthanasia institute. After that, it displays the Dworkin’s proposal in face of euthanasia order, as wel as brings his proposal for the brazilian reality, verifying the possibility of it is implementation face the current Law. It is expects with this work to provide plus a new source of knowledge to instigate the reflection concerning the euthanasia in our society. The reflection is very important because deaths is part of ours lifes.

This dissertation explores contemporary American unwritten constitutionalism in three areas of public law: constitutional theory, election law, and administrative law. Drawing on methods familiar to political theory—analytic political philosophy and intellectual history—it offers a way of analyzing constitutional phenomena beyond legal reasoning tethered to text. The first essay uses social philosophy to build a theory of constitutional norms that explains their salient features and functions. The second essay builds a framework for understanding the concept of representation in the law of democracy. It uses political theory to reveal the latent normative questions animating election law doctrine. The third and final essay recovers the lost and contested origins of presidential administration during the Reagan administration. It shows how the combined efforts of executive branch lawyers, judges, and academics decisively brought the administrative state under presidential control and laid the foundations for the emergence of a plebiscitary president. Together these essays provide proof of concept for the dissertation’s central methodological claim: the need to move beyond text and legal reasoning in understanding American constitutionalism.

A devotion to an open and progressive interpretation of human rights and the law secured Judge Ronald N. Davies’ legacy as an unintended, yet influential activist for advancing civil rights and of the twentieth century. His views helped change the definition and meaning of judicial activism in the modern vernacular and transform it into a new notion of judicial progressivism. A biography of Davies crystallizes the meaning of the racial and civil relations across an evolving American landscape. A study of his life alters the way in which scholars and the public perceive and understand the role of the Northern Plain in shaping lasting changes in America’s progressive movements through an interdisciplinary approach of history and law. When Davies of Fargo, North Dakota, rose to the bench of the United States District Court, he ceased any formal political party affiliation and became a Constitutionalist. With an egalitarian approach to the law, he oversaw numerous court proceedings and handed down rulings with measured consideration for any case that appeared on his docket. As his federal appointment came to include cases involving the desegregation of public schools, civil lawsuits against large-scale corporations, and the Alcatraz Indian Occupation, Davies’ sphere of influence exceeded regional and Civil Rights Era boundaries and characterized him as national figure in new facets of legal precedent. His rulings challenged traditional ethics as dictated by society’s majority-consent in the law and cast him as a seminal figure that embodied the meaning and influence of the northern plains within the law and advancing civil rights and social justice in the United States. His efforts to uphold a more inclusive and equal legal standard set into motion renewed consideration of the ways in which an individual’s actions within a broader institution can stimulate a modern national consensus despite entrenched historical precedent. Therefore, Davies’ life and career reflect a historical sensibility of the role, application, and influence of law-based code of ethics. His decisions, though not intended as overt civil activism, instilled lasting social, cultural, and political change in twentieth-century civil rights.

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This study examines how the administrations of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan responded to the widespread human rights abuses committed by the Argentine military during the country's Dirty War between 1977 and 1982. The objective is to gain a broader understanding of the policies pursued by both administrations. Under Carter, who brought human rights to the forefront of American foreign policy, Argentina was heavily targeted and sanctioned with the anticipation that such measures would enhance the human rights status in Argentina. Ultimately, such policies resulted in open hostility in bilateral relations, culminating in Argentina's refusal to support Carter's proposed grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980. Reagan moved to restore relations until Argentina's invasion of the Falklands in April, 1982. The works of many authors were consulted in conjunction with newspapers, journal articles, government proceedings and declassified documents obtained from the National Security Archives.