Este estudo discute as transformações verificadas nas relações mercantis e sociais paulistas após a chegada da Corte portuguesa ao Rio de Janeiro. Assim, analisa o lugar ocupado por São Paulo e pelos grupos políticos paulistas no âmbito dos domínios portugueses, bem como identifica os nexos articuladores entre São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1808 e 1822, questão central para a compreensão das bases sociais de sustentação do governo joanino e, posteriormente, do governo de D. Pedro. Partindo do caso paulista, busca problematizar as repercussões da abertura dos portos, assim como os modos como ela foi apreendida, evidenciando em que medida teria essa decisão efetivamente constituído um marco, do ponto de vista socioeconômico no Centro-Sul da colônia, seja em termos das relações entre os portugueses do Brasil e de Portugal, seja das vinculações com interesses britânicos. / This study analyzes the transformations in social and mercantile relations in Sao Paulo that followed the arrival of the Portuguese Court in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, we sought to analyze the position occupied by Sao Paulo and its political groups in the Portuguese domains as well as to identify the contextual relation between Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro from 1808 to 1822, key to understanding the social bases that sustained D. Joaos government and the subsequent D. Pedros government. Considering the case of Sao Paulo, we discussed the consequences of the opening of the ports and how this process was understood, highlighting to which extent that decision was effectively a milestone from a socioeconomic perspective for the central-southern colony, whether in terms of the relations between the Portuguese from Brazil and Portugal or in terms of the connections with British interests.

Este estudo discute as transformações verificadas nas relações mercantis e sociais paulistas após a chegada da Corte portuguesa ao Rio de Janeiro. Assim, analisa o lugar ocupado por São Paulo e pelos grupos políticos paulistas no âmbito dos domínios portugueses, bem como identifica os nexos articuladores entre São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1808 e 1822, questão central para a compreensão das bases sociais de sustentação do governo joanino e, posteriormente, do governo de D. Pedro. Partindo do caso paulista, busca problematizar as repercussões da abertura dos portos, assim como os modos como ela foi apreendida, evidenciando em que medida teria essa decisão efetivamente constituído um marco, do ponto de vista socioeconômico no Centro-Sul da colônia, seja em termos das relações entre os portugueses do Brasil e de Portugal, seja das vinculações com interesses britânicos. / This study analyzes the transformations in social and mercantile relations in Sao Paulo that followed the arrival of the Portuguese Court in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, we sought to analyze the position occupied by Sao Paulo and its political groups in the Portuguese domains as well as to identify the contextual relation between Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro from 1808 to 1822, key to understanding the social bases that sustained D. Joaos government and the subsequent D. Pedros government. Considering the case of Sao Paulo, we discussed the consequences of the opening of the ports and how this process was understood, highlighting to which extent that decision was effectively a milestone from a socioeconomic perspective for the central-southern colony, whether in terms of the relations between the Portuguese from Brazil and Portugal or in terms of the connections with British interests.

Cette thèse traite de l’utilisation des symboles traditionnels dans la vie politique indonésienne. Nous nous sommes intéressés à l’exploitation de ces symboles dans la manière de présenter les discours politiques au sein de la communauté. Notre travail de recherche durant la période des élections de 2014 montre que le sujet de la légitimité est présent au cœur des discours électoraux. L’incorporation et l’utilisation des symboles traditionnels au sein des discours sont efficaces pour attirer l’attention du peuple et pour obtenir un soutien électoral. Les partis politiques, les hommes politiques et la Commission électorale à l’échelle locale exploitent ces symboles et les personnages mythologiques pour faire passer leurs messages aux citoyens. La plupart de politiciens prennent délibérément l’image de ces figures mythologiques pour servir leurs propres intérêts. Les hommes politiques profitent du réseau de parenté pour créer une légitimité culturelle en tant que leaders choisis pour la communauté. Ils essayent de retracer leurs liens généalogiques avec les grands personnages de l’histoire en les arborant ainsi dans leurs discours électoraux à travers les médias. Cette exploitation est authentifiée par la croyance populaire selon laquelle seuls les individus de grandes familles (balung gedhé) issues de la royauté peuvent devenir leurs leaders. Certaines des pratiques culturelles sont aussi organisées dans des lieux sacrés par les politiciens pour asseoir leur légitimité au sein de la communauté locale et à travers lesquels les citoyens reconnaissent leur supériorité. Ces manières dont les hommes politiques produisent leurs discours sont vivaces à l’intérieur de la communauté qui est toujours en attente de la présence d’une personne ayant la qualité d’une figure messianique qui va apporter la prospérité à la communauté. / This thesis deals with the use of traditional symbols in Indonesian politics. We have been interested in using these symbols in the presentation of political discourse in the community. Our field research during the general elections of 2014 shows that the subject of legitimacy is present at the heart of the electoral discourse. Politicians exploit the kinship network to create cultural legitimacy as chosen leaders for the community. They try to trace their genealogical ties with the great personality of the nation by supporting them in their electoral discourse through the media. This exploitation is authenticated by the popular belief that only individuals of great families (balung gedhé) from royalty can become their leaders. Some of the cultural practices are organized by politicians in sacred places to establish their legitimacy within the local community and through which people recognize their superiority. The incorporation and the use of traditional symbols in discourses are effective in attracting the attention of the people and in gaining electoral support. Political parties, politicians and the Election Commission at the local level employ these symbols and mythological characters to transmit their messages to citizens. Most politicians deliberately take the image of these mythological figures to serve their own interests. These ways in which politicians produce their discourses are persistent within the community which is always waiting for the presence of a person with the quality of a Messianic figure that will bring prosperity to the people.

In this thesis the author analyses the changes in the view of the British Royal Family in general public during the 20th century. Given the extensiveness of the topic, the author focuses on two crisis situations - so called "Simpson Affair" - the abdication of King Edward VIII in 1936 and his relationship with divorced American Wallis Simpson, and so called "Annus Horribilis" - the divorce of the successor to the throne prince Charles and princess Diana Spencer. The author analyses changes in perception of the role of British Royal Family in life of British nation and its role within British general public. Author works with unpublished sources (mainly from the archive materials gathered from the sources of the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic and the National Archives in London - Kew, with published sources and extensive specialized literature mostly from British provenience. Keywords Great Britain, Monarchy, Royal Family, Edward VIII, Wallis Simpson, Elizabeth II, Prince Charles, Diana Spencer, General Public

his dissertation examines representations of the Zulu in a variety of discourses. It also examines the role of black nationalisms in the construction of Zuluist discourse. The production of images of the Zulu began with the first Anglo-Zulu encounter in the nineteenth century. In 1879, the Anglo-Zulu War set a trend for image-making which was developed further in the twentieth century. The appearance of The Washing of the Spears and Zulu, initiated a chapter in the study of the Zulu which gave rise to publications that created startling mages of the Zulu. Despite the publication of the James Stuart Archive, as well as serious studies of the Zulu, authors continued to use the same popular interpretations of the Zulu. During the early twentieth century, the 'native question' dominated South African politics, while in the 1990s, political protest, conceptualised as aggressive marches by 'warriors' and tourism have been the major representations. / History / M.A. (History)

his dissertation examines representations of the Zulu in a variety of discourses. It also examines the role of black nationalisms in the construction of Zuluist discourse. The production of images of the Zulu began with the first Anglo-Zulu encounter in the nineteenth century. In 1879, the Anglo-Zulu War set a trend for image-making which was developed further in the twentieth century. The appearance of The Washing of the Spears and Zulu, initiated a chapter in the study of the Zulu which gave rise to publications that created startling mages of the Zulu. Despite the publication of the James Stuart Archive, as well as serious studies of the Zulu, authors continued to use the same popular interpretations of the Zulu. During the early twentieth century, the 'native question' dominated South African politics, while in the 1990s, political protest, conceptualised as aggressive marches by 'warriors' and tourism have been the major representations. / History / M.A. (History)

Cette thèse propose une analyse de la « cour royale » égyptienne sous la XXVIème dynastie saïte (664-525 av. J.-C.) à partir des sources majoritairement textuelles (privées et royales) et historiques. Le volume de synthèse se développe autour de trois axes principaux traitant la « cour » dans son acception sociale, telle qu’on l’entend dans la sociologie historique. La première partie est ainsi consacrée à l’étude de la cour comme la Maison du souverain afin d’éclairer l’ensemble des activités qui caractérisent la « vie de cour » et son organisation domestique et qui rendent l’espace curial « privé » ou « officiel ». La deuxième partie examine la cour dans son agencement social et en tant qu’outil de représentation et de communication : ce sont alors le protocole du palais royal et son rôle-clef dans le maintien de l’équilibre social entre les souverains saïtes et leurs sujets (système des faveurs–ḥswt) qui sont analysés. La troisième partie se concentre sur les acteurs sociaux de la Résidence du roi (les courtisans et l’entourage royal) et tente de démontrer les différentes catégories auxquelles appartiennent ces élites et de déceler les modalités de leurs accès au palais et au rang de « courtisan modèle » dans la hiérarchie de la cour. Enfin, l’enquête diachronique suivie tout au long de la synthèse permet de mieux connaître l’impact des emprunts archaïsants dans le système palatin saïte, et par conséquent, d’évaluer la continuité et/ou le changement de ce système par rapport aux modèles traditionnels de la cour pharaonique. Le volume du corpus regroupe un ensemble de données prosopographiques appartenant à plus de 130 officiers royaux. Un troisième volume est consacré à la bibliographie générale, aux annexes et index. / This thesis offers an analysis of the Egyptian "royal court" under the XXVIth Saite Dynasty (664-525 BC) based on textual (private and official records) and historical sources. The synthesis develops around three main axes and deals with the "Court" in its social meaning as defined by the historical sociology. The first part, then, concentrates on the study of the court as the House of the sovereign and attempts to identify the activities which characterize the "court life", its domestic organization and which make the curial space "private" or "official". The second part examines the court as a symbol of social order and the outil of representation and communication of the monarchic authority: the protocol of the Royal palace and its key role to maintain the social balance between the Saite kings and their subjects (system of the favours ḥswt) are analyzed here. The third part focuses on the social actors of the Residence (courtiers and royal entourage) and tends to demonstrate the various categories of these elites and to reveal the modalities of their accesses to the palace and to the position of "model courtier" within the hierarchical order of the court. Finally, the diachronic study followed throughout the synthesis allows to better comprehend the impact of the Archaism on the Saite palace institution and consequently to estimate the continuity and/or the changes of this system compared to the traditional models of the Pharaonic court. The corpus includes a group of prosopographical data belonging to more than 130 royal high officials. The third volume is composed of three sections general bibliography, appendices and indexes.