This thesis examines Russia's foreign policy within a comparative historical framework and theorizes that Russian foreign policy while briefly deviating from its historical pattern following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has realigned its current trajectories with its more traditional foreign policy strategies. This correction is largely consistent with Soviet notions of great power status and is rooted in a desire to secure its own national interests and achieve geopolitical objectives. This thesis is divided into six chapters. For context, chapter one provides an historical overview of the traditional challenges faced by the Russian state, many of which remain today. Chapter two examines several core theories of foreign policy, providing a theoretical foundation from which the following chapters will routinely reference. Chapter three offers an historical synopsis of three discrete periods of Russian foreign policy and hypothesizes that the modern Russian state implements its foreign policy within a Defensive realist framework consistent with that of the former Soviet Union. Chapter four demonstrates how periods one and three are similar and fit within a consistent theoretical framework while concurrently demonstrating that period two was a temporal anomaly in the Russian approach to foreign policy. Chapter five addresses the implications associated with the continuation of Defensive realist foreign policy actions conducted by the Russian state. Finally, chapter six revisits the central theme of the work and contends that based on all demonstrated evidence the foreign policy of Russia today is in fact consistent with its historical patterns of behavior. / Master of Arts / This thesis examines Russia's foreign policy across three distinct periods of time and theorizes that Russian foreign policy while briefly deviating from its historical pattern following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has realigned its current trajectories with its more traditional foreign policy strategies. This correction is largely consistent with Soviet notions of great power status and is rooted in a desire to secure its own national interests and achieve geopolitical objectives. This thesis compares the Soviet Union's foreign policy strategy throughout its intervention in Afghanistan from 1979 - 1989, the Russian Federation's objectives prior to, and immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union from 1989 - 1993, and modern Russia's objectives in Syria from 2015 to the present. Russia's modern foreign policy shares many parallels with that of the former Soviet Union and should be considered a return to, rather than a divergence from its traditional approach to international relations. The main goal of this thesis is to determine, "What is Russia's modern Foreign Policy strategy and how has it changed over time?" This thesis compares each period by focusing primarily on the Russian state's actions and its leaders' perceptions regarding threats to their regional and global objectives throughout each period.

The aim of current paper is to analyse Russia's interpretation of soft power and how it has been implemented in Estonia. As Russia's understanding of the concept does not necessarily align with the definition proposed by Joseph Nye, Russian Foreign Policy will be examined along with the Compatriot Policies that are at the centre of Russia's soft power approach. The study will also assess the language and education questions in Estonia that are relevant to the Russian minority issue and thus have become integral part for the Russian Compatriot Policy as well as review the events over the recent years.

Under what conditions has Russia adopted assertive foreign policies towards neighbouring states in order to pursue regional primacy? Scholars usually map Russia’s foreign policy according to theoretical approaches that are generated either from the individual, the state or the structural levels of analysis. However, each of them, taken individually, cannot account for Russia’s foreign policy across space and time. This study analyses the complex interplay between causal factors by developing a neoclassical realist model of Russia’s pursue of regional primacy in the contested neighbourhood with the EU. This study employs fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) at a cross-case level and Process Tracing at within-case level. fsQCA aims to test the explanatory value of systemic conditions such as external pressure in the regional neighbourhood by other regional powers and membership of target states in a military alliance (i.e. NATO); and of domestic conditions such as Russia’s status recognition by the West, and Russia’s state capacity. This analysis is based on 27 cases of Russia’s interaction with post-Soviet states between 1992 and 2015. Process Tracing is employed as a confirmatory method for within-case analysis.The results of the study suggest that Russia was inclined to adopt assertive foreign policy instruments, particularly military intervention, if external pressure from other great powers in a neighbouring country was combined with Russia’s high state capacity to mobilise resources. Due to NATO membership by neighbouring states, Russia resorted to coercive instruments rather than to direct use of force to maintain regional primacy. Finally, from the comparative process tracing, it emerged that, besides international security concerns and domestic constraints related to Russia’s status recognition, the two violent conflicts of Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia/Abkhazia in the 1990s, which were of equal threat to Russia’s regional primacy in the South Caucasus, bore a different ‘iconic significance’ to Russia.

The main aim of the thesis is to evaluate the economic relationship between the EU and RF in the last ten years. Russia is a large and diverse country with the huge differences in the level of economy of their regions and society as a whole, that's why political, economic and social systems of Russia are complex and difficult. A considerable part of the thesis is devoted to analysis of the economic development of Russia in the first decade of the 21st century. Thesis is also analyzing trade and investment between Russia and the EU, by volume and type of commercial transactions, and by the volume and type of investment among states. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the main documents, which are the bases of any ongoing business relationship and cooperation between the European Union and Russia. The second part of the thesis is devoted to the economic characteristics of the Russian Federation and its position in the global economy over the last decade. First chapter discusses the changes in Russian foreign policy towards EU and economic development of Russia under Vladimir Putin. The next chapter deals with the impact of global financial crisis on the Russian economy, and describes the economic situation and contemporary problems of Russia. The third part of the thesis is devoted to the current forms of trade and economic relations between the EU and RF. The first chapter deals with the very nature and structure of mutual trade of goods and services and the further chapter analyzes the development of investments between the two countries. The third chapter is dedicated to the theme of energy, which is the core of Russia - EU trade. The following chapter is devoted to the common spaces and the last chapter of this thesis analyzes the current situation and existing problems between the EU and Russia.

地緣政治係俄羅斯制定外交政策的重要考量，俄羅斯領土橫跨歐亞洲，向東與東北亞地區相連，該區域之和平穩定關乎俄國國家利益。韓國位居朝鮮半島，因冷戰時期的意識形態對立，俄韓兩國無交流合作，然而隨著冷戰結束，國際局勢的變化替兩國發展交流帶來契機。 本文研究係從俄羅斯外交政策之演變探討俄國逐漸向東轉之因，後從兩國政治、經濟、安全三大面向之互動，歸納出俄羅斯對韓國外交政策方向。 / Geopolitics is the crucial concern for Russian foreign policy. Russia has the most extensive territory in the world, and its eastern part is right next to Northeast Asia, in which the stability and peace is Russia’s national interests. South Korea is located on the Korean Peninsula, but because of the ideological conflict in Cold War era, there was barely no exchange or cooperation between Russia and South Korea. However, after the end of Cold War, the change of international relations brought the opportunity to these two countries. The dissertation focuses on discussing the policy “Pivot to East”of Russian foreign policy, and sums up Russia’s Foreign Policy toward South Korea by studying the political, economic and security interactions between two countries.

Abstract   Title: Standardization or differentiation? - A study on companies' maintenance of legitimacy in times of war.   Level: Bachelor's thesis in Business Administration. Authors: Evelina Enander Sjökvist and Nina Olsson Islani. Supervisor: Asif M Huq. Date: May 2024.   Aim: "The purpose of the study is to examine the impact of war on companies' maintenance of legitimacy. How Nordic companies operating in Russia have communicated regarding this crisis to uphold their legitimacy".   Method: A qualitative research method with an abductive approach has been chosen in the form of a document study. A content analysis will be used on documents obtained from the Retriever database or companies websites.   Results and Conclusions: The results show that companies use different strategies when it comes to crisis management of the war between Russia and Ukraine. Clear standardization and differentiation exist both between companies and industries, showing their unique strengths and standards that the companies adhere to. A central conclusion that has characterized the study from the beginning is that this concerns sensitive information.   Contributions: The study has contributed to the research area of companies maintaining legitimacy in times of war and crisis management, the study focuses on companies that have acted in the war. An additional contribution is the analysis model that has been constructed.   Suggestions for future research: A suggestion for further research is to study the full consequences of the war and the sensitivity of information over time. It would be interesting to conduct a study focusing on comparing different years in the annual reports. / Sammanfattning    Titel: Standardisering eller differentiering? - En studie om företags bibehållande av legitimitet i krigstider.    Nivå: Kandidatuppsats i företagsekonomi. Författare: Evelina Enander Sjökvist och Nina Olsson Islani. Handledare: Asif M Huq. Datum: Maj 2024.    Syfte: “Studiens syfte är att studera krigets påverkan på företagens bibehållande av legitimitet. Hur nordiska företag med verksamhet i Ryssland kommunicerat angående denna kris för att upprätthålla sin legitimitet”.   Metod: En kvalitativ forskningsmetod med en abduktiv ansats har valts i form av en dokumentstudie. En innehållsanalys kommer att användas på dokument inhämtade från databasen Retriever och företags webbsidor.        Resultat och Slutsats: Resultaten visar på att företag använder sig av olika strategier när det gäller krishantering av kriget mellan Ryssland och Ukraina. Tydlig standardisering och differentiering finns både mellan företag och branscher, som visar på deras unika styrkor och standarder som företagen förhåller sig till. En central slutsats som präglat studien från början är att detta gäller känslig information.     Bidrag: Studien har bidragit till forskningsområdet kring företags bibehållande av legitimitet i krigstider samt krishantering då studien riktar sig mot företag som agerat gentemot kriget. Ett ytterligare bidrag till framtida forskning är den analysmodell som konstruerats.     Förslag till vidare forskning: Förslag till vidare forskning är att studera krigets fullständiga konsekvenser samt informationens känslighet längre fram i tiden. Det hade varit intressant att utföra en studie där jämförelse mellan olika årtal på årsredovisningarna varit i fokus.

俄羅斯獨立之初，其對外政策路線為「向西方一面倒」，亞太政策並未能與其對西方政策相提並論。但在短短數年間，俄羅斯與亞太區域大國—中共的關係急遽加溫，雙方建立了戰略夥伴關係。這足以說明俄羅斯的亞太政策在其對外政策中的比重已然提升。俄羅斯現行的對外政策走的是「東西平衡」路線；從而，俄羅斯的亞太政策也有重大的調整。本論文將探討1992至1998年間，俄羅斯的亞太政策如何形成。 本論文認為：1992年俄羅斯獨立之後，俄羅斯的亞太政策乃是在國內經濟發展的需求以及戰略三角的互動等環節關聯上，受到克里姆林宮政治生態互動而形成。此一命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題：（一）由於美國主導北約的東進使俄羅斯感受威脅，加上中共與美國的戰略衝突，引起美俄中戰略三角的互動，促使俄羅斯意圖聯合中共以制衡美國，因而造成俄羅斯亞太政策的重大調整。（二）在俄羅斯國內經濟凋敝的情況下，俄屬遠東的開發為其自力救濟的唯一途徑。為加速俄屬遠東的開發，俄羅斯勢必要開創有利的國際環境，從而必須調整其亞太政策。（三）俄羅斯亞太政策的形成與其國內政治生態的互動有密切的關聯：克里姆林宮政治生態互動，造成俄羅斯的對外政策路線從原來的「向西方一面倒」徹底轉為東西平衡的「雙頭鷹」，而亞太政策就是其重要環節之一。 上述的三個成因，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應於此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與範圍、文獻述評與研究途徑。第二章：俄羅斯的亞太政策。本章將略述俄羅斯獨立後，其亞太政策的實際運作。當中以俄羅斯對中共、日本與南北韓的政策，做為重點加以描述，其次再論及俄羅斯對東南亞地區國家的政策。第三章：戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。本章將闡述戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策形成的影響。第四章：俄羅斯遠東經濟開發對其亞太政策的影響。本章將檢視俄屬遠東經濟開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第五章：俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響。本章將探討克里姆林宮政治生態互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第六章：結論。 目錄-----------------------------------------------------------I 圖表目錄------------------------------------------------------VI 縮寫表------------------------------------------------------VIII 第一章 緒論---------------------------------------------------1 第一節 研究動機與目的-----------------------------------------1 第二節 研究範圍-----------------------------------------------4 第三節 文獻述評-----------------------------------------------6 第四節 研究途徑與架構----------------------------------------13 第二章 俄羅斯的亞太政策--------------------------------------24 第一節 俄羅斯對東亞政策--------------------------------------26 一、俄羅斯對中共政策------------------------------------------26 （一）俄中夥伴關係層次的提升—由「睦鄰友好」到「戰略夥伴」----26 （二）俄中夥伴關係的具體表現----------------------------------30 二、俄羅斯對台灣政策------------------------------------------36 （一）俄台關係—中斷四十年後的交流----------------------------36 （二）俄台經貿往來成果----------------------------------------37 第二節 俄羅斯對東北亞政策------------------------------------39 一、俄羅斯對日政策--------------------------------------------40 （一）俄日零和關係的轉變—「東京宣言」------------------------40 （二）俄羅斯對日政策推行的障礙—北方四島問題------------------41 二、俄羅斯對朝鮮半島政策--------------------------------------44 （一）俄羅斯對南韓政策—漸行漸遠的雙邊關係--------------------45 （二）俄羅斯對北韓政策—由疏而近的調整------------------------47 第三節 俄羅斯對東南亞政策------------------------------------49 （一）俄羅斯與東協「對話夥伴關係」的建立----------------------49 （二）俄羅斯東南亞政策的具體成就------------------------------52 第三章 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響--------------------54 第一節 俄美的戰略衝突----------------------------------------56 （一）俄美「成熟戰略夥伴關係」的建立--------------------------56 （二）俄美之間日漸浮現的衝突----------------------------------58 （三）俄美衝突的激化—美國主導北約東擴------------------------66 第二節 美中的戰略衝突----------------------------------------77 （一）「圍堵」與「反圍堵」------------------------------------77 （二）美國干涉1996年台海飛彈危機------------------------------84 （三）貌合神離的美中「建設性夥伴關係」------------------------87 第三節 俄中的戰略匯合----------------------------------------91 （一）俄羅斯對中共的軍售與技術轉移----------------------------91 （二）俄中邊界裁軍與互信措施的建立----------------------------97 （三）俄中對外戰略的互補--------------------------------------99 第四節 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------110 第四章 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------112 第一節 俄屬遠東的開發現況與困境-----------------------------113 （一）俄屬遠東開發的歷史回顧---------------------------------114 （二）俄屬遠東的開發現況-------------------------------------119 （三）俄屬遠東開發所面臨的困境-------------------------------123 第二節 東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性-------------130 （一）東北亞區域經濟合作的源起—圖們江開發計劃---------------130 （二）東北亞區域經濟合作—圖們江開發計劃的推行現況-----------133 （三）東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性---------------137 第三節 俄羅斯國內對俄屬遠東開發的歧見-----------------------140 （一）俄羅斯的遠東開發政策-----------------------------------140 （二）遠東地區對開發當地的看法-------------------------------146 第四節 俄羅斯為其遠東開發所做的政策調整---------------------150 （一）裡應外合的前置調整-------------------------------------150 （二）俄屬遠東開發與俄羅斯亞太政策之間的聯繫-----------------152 （三）俄羅斯亞太政策因應俄屬遠東開發的調整-------------------153 第五節 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------164 第五章 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------166 第一節 俄羅斯亞太政策的決策機制-----------------------------168 （一）總統府-------------------------------------------------168 （二）外交部-------------------------------------------------176 （三）國會---------------------------------------------------178 第二節 對外政策路線論爭的影響-------------------------------180 （一）俄羅斯對外政策路線的轉折-------------------------------180 （二）大西洋學派、歐亞大陸學派與大俄羅斯帝國學派-------------183 （三）對外政策路線的論戰-------------------------------------186 （四）「俄羅斯對外政策概念」與「俄羅斯的戰略」之比較---------191 第三節 府會之間對立的影響-----------------------------------197 （一）府會政爭的前夕-----------------------------------------197 （二）府會衝突的激化-----------------------------------------200 （三）府會之間對立對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------209 第四節 國會政治生態的影響-----------------------------------211 （一）93國會大選後的政治生態---------------------------------212 （二）95國會改選的衝擊---------------------------------------217 （三）國會政治生態對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------224 第五節 總統大選的衝擊---------------------------------------226 （一）96外長易人後國內的政治生態-----------------------------226 （二）車臣戰事的糾葛-----------------------------------------231 （三）總統大選對俄羅斯外交路線的影響-------------------------238 第六節 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------240 第六章 結論-------------------------------------------------242 參考書目-----------------------------------------------------245 / In the initial stage immediately after its dependence, Russia’s foreign policy was following the line of “inclining to the West” therefore, the gravity of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy was disproportional comparing with that of its Policy toward the West. Nevertheless, during recent years, the Russo-Chinese relation has developed rapidly, and both sides have established the “strategic partnership”. This means that Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy has become more and more significant since Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West in its current foreign policy. Against this background, this thesis will survey the factors that exert impact on the formation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period from 1992 to 1998. This thesis is taking the position that Russia’s Asia-Pacific policy has been shaped by the Kremlin politics within the context of its domestic imperative of economic development and the interaction of “Strategic Triangle” politics since the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions: (1) Due to the US led NATO expansion eastward, which has created threats Russia’s security and the strategic conflict between the U.S.A. and the PRC. Russia intends to search the support from the PRC in order to check the US hegemonism. Under this consideration, Russia adjusts its Asia-Pacific Policy. (2) With the difficulties in its domestic economic development, the development of Russia’s Far East is the only way to release Russia from such a predicament. In order to accelerate the development of Russia’s Far East, Russia, it is necessary to search for a stable international condition. This consideration also demands that Russia adjust its Asia-Pacific Policy. (3) The formulation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy is driven by its domestic political struggle: Kremlin politics makes the thoroughgoing change of Russia’s foreign policy line. Now Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West, which demands an adjustment in its Asia-Pacific policy in turn. These three factors above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter one is introduction, it will explain the purpose, scope and approaches of this study. Chapter two will survey the development of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period defined. This chapter will sketch the implementation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy, with emphasis on Russia’s policies toward the PRC, Japan and the Korean Peninsula, and the Southeast Asia. Chapter three will explore the influence of the Strategic Triangle politics. Chapter four will examine the influence of the development of Russia’s Far East on Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter five will discuss how the Kremlin politics influences Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter six is conclusion.

This thesis is concerned with the ways in which Muslims in Russia’s Povolzhye region define, and strive towards, spiritual and material well-being. It explores how pious subjectivities are cultivated in a secular and often politically hostile environment. In addition, it deals with Povolzhye Muslims’s pursuit of worldly success in the context of social change brought about by Russia’s transition to a market economy. Povolzhye is a prosperous, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional historical region, home to Russia’s second largest ethnic group, the Volga Tatars. Although the Tatars have been Sunni Muslims for centuries, the post-Soviet emergence of cosmopolitan, scripturalist piety trends – which I collectively refer to as Povolzhye’s ‘halal movement’ – has raised unprecedented concerns and disputes about the meaning of Muslimness and the place of Muslims in Russian society. Scripturalist virtue-ethics projects have been underrepresented within the expanding body of anthropological literature concerning Islam in the former USSR, and particularly in the Russian Federation. With its explicit ethnographic focus on Povolzhye’s halal movement, this work aims at filling this gap. The halal movement is characterised by its hypermodern transnational imagery as well as significant discursive overlapping with the realms of business and economy. The pursuit of a virtuous existence is particularly appealing to those ascending sectors of society that most successfully engage with Russia’s post-socialist free-market environment, while the idiom of piety both communicates and dissimulates novel forms of stratification and exclusion. This project brings together anthropological theories of ethical self-cultivation with approaches that focus on power, social change, and political economy. In order to explore the political life of the halal movement vis-à-vis both state institutions and the market, I employ Giorgio Agamben’s notions of ‘form-of-life’ and ‘rule/law’, which shed light on the relationship between power and virtue in original ways. In addition, particular attention is given to the social distribution of virtue and the role it plays in reproducing distinction, status, and a ‘capitalist spirit’.

前人學者對於早期中國共產黨的研究，大多從第三國際輸出共產主義到中國的角度進行，自然強調了中蘇兩個共產之間在意識形態的影響及其作用，而忽略蘇俄對華政策如何影響中國共產黨（以下簡稱「中共」）的成立活動及其黨內路線變化的層面，包括蘇俄對中共的支援，本文集中探討此一過去學界所忽略的問題側面－－蘇俄對中共含有現實政治的動機與目的。 因此，本文主旨在於論析1917年10月革命後至1923年 1月為止，蘇俄的對華政策及蘇俄與中共間的互動關係。透過此論析，吾人欲加以論證者有以下兩點： 第一，中共的創立包括其主要路線的變化及大部分的活動，皆是在蘇俄的亞洲戰略以及對華政策的影響下進行。 第二，蘇俄接觸並支援中共，只是其亞洲戰略及對華政策的一個環節，並非只在於擴散共產主義理念的單一目的而已。 本文除導言及結論外，主體為參章。第壹章，闡明蘇俄於10月革命後，列寧政權如何從對外政策轉為現實路線，並闡述蘇俄對華政策的動機與其過程：第貳章，探討中共的創立及其活動與蘇俄在華工作的對應關係（functional relation）:第參章，論析中共自第一次全國代表大會（1921年7月）後開始至1923年1月「孫中山與越飛聯合宣言」為止的期間，中共政治路線及其發展因受到蘇俄對華政策影響的演變過程。

俄羅斯開發其遠東地區，旨在挹注其總體經濟發展，而開發其遠東地區，則需要引進大量中國勞力；至於引進中國勞力，則是俄中戰略協作夥伴關係雙邊合作機制的一環；然而，一旦中國勞力大量湧進俄羅斯屬遠東地區，勢必對俄羅斯的國家安全造成一定程度的威脅，此一地緣政治考量，無可避免對俄羅斯引進中國勞力的政策產生制約；在此矛盾因素考量之下，對於在遠東地區引進中國勞力的政策，產生正反兩面針鋒相對的爭論；因此，俄羅斯對遠東地區中國移民政策是上述經濟發展、勞動力問題、國際戰略與地緣政治等因素，透過克里姆林政治的互動形塑而成。 上述假設命題又可以引申出下列邏輯相關子命題: (一)俄羅斯為了挹注其總體的經濟發展，需要大量外來勞力來開發其遠東地區。 (二)俄羅斯引進大量中國勞力，乃是俄中戰略協作夥伴關係雙邊合作機制的一環。 (三)俄羅斯引進大量中國勞力，勢必對俄羅斯安全構成威脅。 (四)俄羅斯遠東地區的中國移民政策，乃是克里姆林政治互動的結果。 / The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring the driving forces behind Russia’s policies on Chinese immigration in its Far East in terms of geopolitics, international strategy and the Kremlin politics. It is hypothesized in this study that with the development of Russia’s Far East region, it will help the overall economic development, and, in order to development its Far East, it is necessary for Russian government to recruit a large number of Chinese labors; as for the introduction of Chinese labors, it constitutes a link of Sino-Russian partnership of strategic coordination. However, once Chinese labor forces enter into the Russian Far East, it would create a threat to Russian national security. Under this geo-political consideration, it inevitably constitutes constraints for Russia on the introduction of Chinese labor forces. With these kinds of contradictory considerations, therefore, the formulation of Russia’s policy on Chinese immigration in its Far East should be analyzed in terms of economic, population, international strategy and geopolitics factors through the Kremlin political interaction. The above assumption can also derive the following logically related propositions: (1) In order to inject the overall economic development, Russian government needs a large number of foreign labors to develop the Far East. (2) Importing large quantities of Chinese labors is an integrated link of Sino-Russian partnership of strategic coordination. (3) Introducing a large number of Chinese labor forces constitutes a threat to Russian security. (4) Russia’s policy on Chinese immigration in its Far East is formulated as a result of Kremlin political interaction in terms of economic, population, international strategy and geopolitics factors.