No one has investigated in detail the totality of Anglo-Russian relations from the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 to the outbreak of World War I. Those who have written on the history of the Triple Entente have tended to claim that France was the dominant partner and that her efforts pulled Great Britain and Russia together and kept them together. Britain and Russia had little in common, the standard argument asserts; their ideological and political views were almost diametrically opposed, and furthermore,they had major imperial conflicts. This dissertation tests two hypotheses. The first is that Russia and Britain were drawn together less from French efforts than from a mutual reaction to German policy. The second is that there was less political and ideological friction between Britain and Russia than previous writers have assumed. The first hypothesis has been supported in previous writings only tangentially, while the second has not been tested for the period under review. Studies of the period have been detailed studies on specific events and crises, while this investigation reviews the course of the Anglo-Russian partnership for the entire seven year period. The dissertation concludes that it was primarily the need for allies in the face of German military and economic expansion that motivated and sustained the Anglo-Russian friendship. It furthermore concludes that the ideological and political differences of the two countries were less important to their diplomatic relationship than has usually been contended, and that they were easily overcome in their mutual desire for strength against Germany. In the long run, Britain and Russia pursued diplomatic and imperial policies that were not dissimilar. Their primary needs were allies in Europe, with which to oppose the Triple Alliance, and they could both afford to overlook differences of approach and policy to achieve this strength. Expediency, not ideology, was the key to the Anglo-Russian friendship.

The thesis deals with the importance of the events of August 1968 for the Czech-Russian relations. The analysis of the major factors that influenced the Czech-Russian relations since the establishment of the independent Czechoslovak state until now is carried out. The result of this analysis enables to incorporate the events of August 1968 into the context of the Czech-Russian relations. The aim is to answer whether the August 1968 represents a major obstacle to the development of good Czech-Russian relations in the future. The conclusion of the author is confronted with the results of the questionnaire filled in by Czech and Russian students of International relations.

Pavla Ksiazkiewiczová Německo-ruské vztahy na pozadí ukrajinské krize a rusko- gruzínské války Abstract The thesis examines the German response to the Ukrainian Crisis in 2008 and the Russo- Georgian War in 2014. On the background of these two conflicts, I would like to demonstrate the German-Russian relations and their deterioration in the past years. My main research question was why did Germany decide to support and advocate the EU sanctions against Russia during the Ukrainian Crisis in 2014, when they did not promote such a solution in the 2008 during the Russo-Georgian War. My hypothesis is that German foreign policy shifted from the economic interests-oriented approach towards norm-oriented one. I am working with the theory Foreign policy analysis, which studies the management of international relations and state's activities. This theory can be understood as a critique towards dominant structural approach in international relations because it says that foreign policy is determined by the domestic policy. I constructed the German response to the Ukrainian Crisis and the Russo- Georgian War using qualitative discourse analysis. With this method I am analyzing the statements of those actors, who influence German foreign policy.

German-Russian relations have remained strong since the Cold War, despite continuing in traditions of multilateralism and integrated into the Western order. Despite recent tensions and deterioration since the Ukraine Crisis, German-Russian relations are a subject of intense debate between the political parties CDU/CSU and SPD that governed Germany in a coalition from 2014-2017. This thesis utilises a social constructivist method to focus on social factors and party-political legacies relevant in the evolving relationship. It then analyses the evolving discourse of the parties about Russia in the years 2014-2017, focusing on the different ways the discourse uses and connects with the factors and legacies. Although a parallel movement is discerned between the foreign policy positions of the CDU/CSU and SPD, the parties' positions do not converge but remain in conflict about the future of European security, cooperation with Russia and the desired foreign policy role of Germany. Throughout, the analysis suggests that contemporary theories about German-Russian relations and about Germany's foreign policy role should look at the internal debates and factors to get a more complete picture of German foreign policy. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

BEAUDUIN, Adrien. Old Master, New Neighbour: Putin's Russia in the Czech Foreign Policy Discourse. Master thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Insitute of International Studies. Supervisor Dr.Jiří Vykoukal, 2013. Abstract The return to democracy in Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) and the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 did not mean that CEE-Russian relations could start anew. This dissertation uses post-structuralist discourse analysis and takes the case of the Czech Republic to examine the development of the Czech official foreign policy discourse towards Russia between 2001 and 2009. Looking at the history of opinions on Russia in the Czech lands and analyzing five events or periods of the 2000s, the present works tracks the evolution of the Russia's identity as constructed by the official Czech discourse. On the official level, the influence of Russia's image on the construction of the Czech identity is also analyzed. The results showed a worsening of relations after 2006 and suggest that the image of the 'Russian threat' has not disappeared from the political discourse in the Czech Republic. Moreover, the Czech official foreign policy discourse constructed the image of the Czech Republic as anchored in its Euroatlantic and European orientation.

孔子學院是中國軟實力政策的展現。它創設的是目的為了向世界推廣中國文化與漢語，增進世界各國對中國的瞭解，目前全球已設有443所孔子學院與648間孔子課堂。 俄羅斯是中國最友好的朋友之一，也是重要的政治、經濟、戰略夥伴。因為兩國的關係不斷地發展，俄羅斯人對漢語的興趣也越來越高。為滿足俄羅斯人的需要，中國遂把在俄羅斯設立孔子學院列為積極推動的項目。俄羅斯目前已經有18所孔子學院與5間孔子課堂。 本論文的題目是『孔子學院在莫斯科：國家的形象與在地認知』，旨在瞭解在俄羅斯漢語教師與學生對孔子學院的觀感為何。 本論文所採用用的研究方法為面對面訪問跟次級資料分析。 分析的結果顯示，大部分受訪者持正面的看法，並對孔子學院給予高度評價，以及認為孔子學院對中俄關係的發展產生很重要的作用。雖然有一些人認為，孔子學院是中國政府情報機關的部分，但是總的印象是正面的。中國在俄羅斯成功地建立其自身的良好形象，而孔子學院是它以達到其目的使用的工具之一。 / Abstract Confucius Institute (CI) is one of China's soft power policy initiatives. It aims to promote Chinese language and culture all over the globe, enhance the world's understanding of China. Today there are already 443 Confucius Institutes and 648 Confucius Classrooms in the world. Russia is one China’s closest friends and allies, as well as its important political, economic and strategic partner. Due to the continuous development of the bilateral relations, Russian people are more and more interested in Chinese language. To meet their need in studying Mandarin, China is actively promoting the establishment of the Confucius Institute there. Now there are already 18 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classroom 5 in Russia. The name of this thesis is: "Confucius Institutes in Moscow: national image and local perception." It aims at understanding what kind of attitude Russians, who teach or study Chinese either at the CI or somewhere else, have towards the Confucius Institute. Besides, it was also important to understand whether Sino-Russian relations play a crucial role in shaping people’s attitude towards the CI. Throughout the research the author used primary data sources (field work, interviews), as well as secondary data sources. Field research was conducted only in Moscow, the rest of the information about the development of the CIs in Russia is observed through the secondary data sources (reports, newspapers, journals). Results of the analysis indicate that the majority of Russian people, on the example of Moscow, have favorable attitude towards the Confucius Institute. Although in general there are also those who are skeptical about this initiative in Russia, stating that China is using the CIs as a part of its intelligence network, but the overall impression is positive. The PRC managed to create a favorable image of itself in Russia, and the Confucius Institute is one of the tools it uses in order to reach its aim.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

近年來，經濟全球化不僅加深了國家間的經濟關係，而且也推進國家間的文化交流。研究軟實力與文化外交的議題成為國際關係的重點。文化外交在中國對外政策的地位也提升，文化外交戰略必將成為中國整體外交戰略的有機組成部份。因此中國開始實現中國文化「走出去」的工作，在國外舉辦「中國年」、「漢語年」、「旅遊年」，成立孔子學院。中國設立孔子學院和進行各種各樣的活動為了傳播漢語和中華文化。 目前學者關於中國對俄羅斯文化外交的研究較少著墨。因此，本論文試圖從文化外交角度來分析當代中國與俄羅斯關係，本研究目的在於瞭解中國文化外交內涵、目標與發展狀況，論文首先探討；其次探討中國對俄國的文化外交之具體實踐，包括政府層面交流和教育層面交往。最後研究中國文化外交在俄羅斯的成效以及中俄關係存在的問題。 研究發現雖然中國文化外交政策在俄羅斯有成效，但是中俄關係有還沒解決的問題：中國「威脅」、「擴張」的論調在俄羅斯仍然很有市場，中俄兩國之間深層互信還是不夠，而經貿合作水平遠低於兩國政治關係的高度。

This master's thesis deals with the response of the Federal Republic of Germany to the Russian hybrid threat, which is examined using a case study of the so-called "Lisa case" from January 2016. The thesis aims to place the "Lisa case" in the context of German-Russian relations and hybrid threats in the security reality of the 21st century. Germany and Russia have long had a special relationship, which, however, fell into crisis after the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. The main goal of Russia's efforts to influence social and political development in Europe has become Germany, which must deal with new methods and strategies of hybrid warfare. The advent of hybrid threats is a challenge not only for Germany but also for its allies. Russia's view of hybrid threats proves that the term has different meanings for different actors. One of the manifestations of the Russian hybrid threat is the case of a thirteen-year-old girl of German-Russian origin Lisa F. who was missing in Berlin for several hours and allegedly raped by migrants. Although the German police promptly refuted the case, the Russian media misused the event to fuel an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty, especially among a significant minority of Russian Germans. The incident spread to the intergovernmental level when Russian...