Thesis advisor: Margaret Eletta Guider / Thesis advisor: O. Ernesto Valiente / Beginning in 1990 and lasting for one decade, in Rwanda and the subregion of Africa where Rwanda is located, violence, wars, genocide, and migrations caused various expressions of suffering. It is said that the Blessed Virgin Mary appeared at Kibeho in a sorrowful state almost ten years before and foretold such atrocities and suggested a way out. Failing to pay heed to her prophetic voice, the consequences are devastating and challenging. In the effort to confront such challenges, the Church looks for ways in which she can channel the healing graces needed in the aftermath. Can we talk of the God who heals the broken-hearted in the context of bitter sufferings subsequent to Genocide against the Tutsi? The answer is ‘yes’ and in Rwanda, particularly the Sorrowful Mother and Jesus Christ, give a hint for that possibility. The solidarity shown by them to the suffering people of Rwanda is key to receiving God’s healing and hope in the promises of his Kingdom despite the bitterness of the suffering. Assured of the solidarity of both the Sorrowful Mother and of Jesus Christ, Rwandans can embark on the long yet necessary journey of healing and reconciliation. The Church in Rwanda ought to lead this urgent imperative with an innovative pastoral approach and at the same time propose a preventative endeavor to deter violence and instill harmonious relationships. This process of healing and reconciliation is informed by God’s example who reconciled humanity through the passion, death, and resurrection of his Son. Practices of solidarity, especially wherever sufferings are still felt, should be a priority. Moreover, a peacebuilding project should be an ecclesial initiative and priority for the sake of generations to come. / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

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The degree project explores how artists can contribute to social change processes in the contemporary Rwandan context. The general aim is to put light on the new Rwandan art scene and the actors involved in it. The study searches to understand how these artists perceive their role as actors for social change and the possibilities of art in Rwanda today. The Inema Art Center in the Rwandan capital Kigali serves as a case study for this purpose. The study is guided by the following two key research questions: 1. How does the Inema Art Center perceive its role as an actor for social change in contemporary Rwanda? 2. How does the Inema Art Center use art to fuel development? In order to respond to these questions, the study applies a combination of methodological approaches. The primary approach includes the conduction of interviews with six artists at the Inema Art Center. The interviews are analyzed from a critical discursive perspective. The narratives from the artists reveal how the artists talk about art and see their role as actors for social change. This approach focus is on language use as an indicator of social change. The secondary approach comprises the conduction of a visual analysis of the Inema Art Center’s promotion video. The video is analyzed from a mainstream semiotic perspective. The aim of this approach is to conduct a detailed analysis of the meanings the video is communicating in relation to art and social change. Whereas the first approach explores the personal and individual perspectives of the art activities at Inema, the second approach explores rather the institutional perspective, i.e. how Inema through social media presents itself to the public. The main conclusions of the study can be summarized as follows: Inema uses art to improve livelihood at different levels: individual, family, community and national. Inema is a homegrown initiative addressing development issues, but has not the ambition to become a subversive political movement. Hence, Inema refrains from addressing politically sensitive issues and prefers to remain in the politically accepted ―comfort zone‖. My research suggests however that artists such as at Inema are forerunners of the creation of a new innovative cultural discourse that is changing the cultural landscape in contemporary Rwanda. Inema sees its role in educating people allowing them to see things differently. Inema’s mission is to communicate the role and potential of art as an income generating activity to the community, but also as a contributor to the productive means to the wider Rwandan society. This is how artists can contribute to social change processes in contemporary Rwanda and help building up the country.

AbstraktDenna uppsats handlar om mänskliga rättigheter och utilitarism. Vi vill utreda om man kanförstå mänskliga rättigheter utifrån ett utilitaristiskt perspektiv. Vi har valt utilitarismen dådess tanke om att den mest moraliska handlingen är den som maximera nyttan kan verkasjälvklar men dess följder motsätter sig ofta våra moraliska intuitioner. Det är intressant attjämföra utilitarismen och mänskliga rättigheter då mänskliga rättigheter utgår från en tankeom naturliga rättigheter som tillkommer människan endast i egenskap av att vara justmänniska. Våra frågeställningar är om utilitarismen kan förklara iden om mänskligarättigheter och om FN:s resolutioner och konventioner kan förstås genom en utilitaristiskteori. För att göra detta har vi ett teorikapitel som går igenom dels olika tankar om rättigheteroch dels om utilitarismen. I detta avsnitt går vi även igenom teorin om naturliga rättigheter dådet är dessa mänskliga rättigheter hänvisar till. I vår analys tar vi upp några av FN:skonventioner och resolutioner. Vi har valt barnkonventionen, folkmordskonventionen ochWienkonventionen och resolutioner som följer av dessa. Vi redovisar genom dessa FN:sståndpunkter och riktlinjer och analyserar dem genom vår teori, alltså utilitarismen, för att seom man kan förstå dessa utifrån ett utilitaristiskt perspektiv. Genom denna analys har vikommit fram till att den utilitaristiska teorin kan försvara de flesta av FN:s riktlinjer somkommer av dessa konventioner och resolutioner. Trots att utilitarismen har en motsattutgångspunkt än FN kan utilitaristen försvara dessa rättigheter då de tenderar att öka nyttan.Om man kan gå med på att syftet med en rättighet inte har någon betydelse kan mänskligarättigheter förstås utifrån ett utilitaristiskt perspektiv. / AbstractThis essay deals with Human Rights and Utilitarianism. We intend to investigate whether it ispossible to understand Human Rights from a utilitarian perspective. We have chosenutilitarianism as it is based upon a philosophy in supports of the action which creates thegreatest good and while this at first may seem obvious, its consequences often contradict ourmoral intuitions. It is interesting to compare Utilitarianism to Human Rights since HumanRights are based upon a belief of Natural Rights applicable to all humans solely on the criteriaof being humans. The question we pose is whether the idea of Human Rights and the UN’sresolutions and conventions can be understood from a utilitarian theory. In this chapter wewill also deal with the Theory of Natural Rights as these will be referred to. In our analysis weconsider some of the UN’s conventions and resolutions. Namely; the Child Convention; theGenocide Convention; and the Vienna Convention and the resolutions as a result of these.Through them we intend to explain UN guidelines and principles and analyse them throughour theory, utilitarianism, to find out whether it’s possible to understand them from autilitarian perspective.Our analysis has made us conclude that most of the UN’s guidelines, as a result of theseconventions, can be by supported a utilitarian theory. Despite contradictive basic valuesutilitarianism defend UN rights as these strive to increase the greater good. If you agree thatthe aim of an action has no relevance Human Rights can be understood from a utilitarianperspective.

Higher education is arguably critical for healing and stabilization in postconflict contexts, by developing leaders who value peace and have the skill sets to achieve it in various sectors. A rapidly growing body of literature concludes that peace education in particular has great potential to transform postconflict communities, both in higher education and at other levels of schooling. Yet there exists little rigorous analysis of the decisions faced by educational leaders responsible for implementing such programs, particularly those in postconflict settings where the needs are uniquely challenging. This qualitative investigation documented the M.A. in Peace Studies and Conflict Transformation program, managed by the Centre for Conflict Management (CCM) within the University of Rwanda’s College of Arts and Social Sciences (CASS), one of the first of its kind in the region. The goal of this study was to use interviews and field notes collected during a six-week fieldwork period to highlight lessons from the experiences and perspectives of colleagues who have typically been on the outskirts of the conversation about how formalized peace education can contribute to leadership development and national stability. Participants included faculty members, administrators, and alumnae, as well as leaders affiliated with the Rwandan Ministry of Education (MINEDUC) and various civil society organizations. The study led to twelve key findings aligned with the three research questions, each of which is similarly aligned with a corresponding discourse theme and three clusters of interview questions, as well as three related overarching researcher recommendations for policy and practice, grounded in participant perspectives. Abstract (French) On peut soutenir que l’enseignement supérieur est essentiel pour la guérison et la stabilisation dans les contextes d’après-conflit, en formant des leaders qui attachent de la valeur à la paix et possèdent les compétences nécessaires pour l’atteindre dans divers secteurs. Un corpus de littérature en croissance rapide conclut que l’éducation à la paix, en particulier, a un grand potentiel pour transformer les communautés après un conflit, à la fois dans l’enseignement supérieur et à d’autres niveaux de scolarité. Cependant, il existe peu d'analyses rigoureuses des décisions des responsables de l'éducation chargés de la mise en œuvre de tels programmes, en particulier dans les situations d'après-conflit où les besoins sont particulièrement difficiles. Cette enquête qualitative documentait le programme de maîtrise en études sur la paix et la transformation des conflits, géré par le Centre de gestion des conflits (CCM) du Collège des arts et des sciences sociales de l’Université du Rwanda (CASS), un des premiers du genre dans la région. L’objectif de cette étude était d’utiliser les interviews et les notes de terrain recueillies au cours d’une période de travail sur le terrain de six semaines pour mettre en évidence les leçons tirées des expériences et des points de vue de collègues qui se trouvaient généralement à la périphérie de la discussion sur la manière dont une éducation à la paix formalisée pouvait contribuer au développement du leadership. et la stabilité nationale. Parmi les participants figuraient des membres du corps professoral, des administrateurs et des anciennes élèves, ainsi que des dirigeants affiliés au Ministère rwandais de l'éducation (MINEDUC) et à diverses organisations de la société civile. L'étude a abouti à douze résultats clés alignés sur les trois questions de recherche, chacune correspondant également à un thème de discours correspondant et à trois groupes de questions d'entretien, ainsi qu'à trois recommandations de recherche globales relatives à la politique et à la pratique, basées sur les perspectives des participants.

Yes / During the first trial before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), that of Jean-Paul Akayesu, it became evident that many Tutsi and moderate Hutu women had been raped, that “rape was the rule and its absence was the exception”.1 Although, initially, not a single charge of sexual violence was proffered against Akayesu, presiding judge Navanethem Pillay interrupted the proceedings, allowing ICTR prosecutors to amend the indictment and include counts of rape and sexual violence. Akayesu subsequently became the first case to recognise the concept of genocidal rape. However, post-Akayesu, comparatively few defendants appearing before the ICTR have been convicted of sexual violence. An analysis of the recent case of Ndindiliyimana et al2 reveals that major shortcomings beset the investigation and prosecution procedures, so that crimes of sexual violence go unpunished, although research suggests that adequate legislation is in place at the ICTR to prosecute rape and sexual violence successfully.

Yes / SETTING: In 2005, in response to the increasing prevalence of rifampicin-resistant tuberculosis (RR-TB) and poor treatment outcomes, Rwanda initiated the programmatic management of RR-TB, including expanded access to systematic rifampicin drug susceptibility testing (DST) and standardised treatment.OBJECTIVE: To describe trends in diagnostic and treatment delays and estimate their effect on RR-TB mortality.DESIGN: Retrospective analysis of individual-level data including 748 (85.4%) of 876 patients diagnosed with RR-TB notified to the World Health Organization between 1 July 2005 and 31 December 2016 in Rwanda. Logistic regression was used to estimate the effect of diagnostic and therapeutic delays on RR-TB mortality.RESULTS: Between 2006 and 2016, the median diagnostic delay significantly decreased from 88 days to 1 day, and the therapeutic delay from 76 days to 3 days. Simultaneously, RR-TB mortality significantly decreased from 30.8% in 2006 to 6.9% in 2016. Total delay in starting multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) treatment of more than 100 days was associated with more than two-fold higher odds for dying. When delays were long, empirical RR-TB treatment initiation was associated with a lower mortality.CONCLUSION: The reduction of diagnostic and treatment delays reduced RR-TB mortality. We anticipate that universal testing for RR-TB, short diagnostic and therapeutic delays and effective standardised MDR-TB treatment will further decrease RR-TB mortality in Rwanda.

This assessment addresses the intervention of intrastate conflict through the coordination of humanitarian aid and military force. The coordination, known as humanitarian intervention, dates back to the philosophy of Hugo Grotius and the debate of the Just War doctrine. Through the evolution of international law and the concept of sovereignty, justification of intervention continued to develop though the establishment of the United Nations Charter. Several moral, legal and political debates that formed in early philosophies persist through the implementation of humanitarian intervention in modern warfare. The historical background and of philosophical challenges of humanitarian intervention are reflected in recent cases studies such as the conflicts in Somalia, former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. With the consideration of this assessment, one can conclude the necessary conditions needed for a successful humanitarian intervention. In the twenty-first century, a time when weapons range from nuclear arms to homemade explosives and when political instability endangers an interconnected international community, there exists a need for adaptation to any given threat. Humanitarian intervention is one possible solution to redress human rights violations and maintain international peace and security.

This thesis explores the application of Green Growth strategies in Rwanda, focusing on community resilience and systemic leadership within the Green Village Model. The research addresses the gap in understanding how these strategies are adopted in the challenging socio-economic contexts of the Global South, with a specific examination of Rwanda's pioneering Green Village. Using a qualitative case study approach, this study involved interviews with key stakeholders including government officials, community members from the Green Gicumbi village, and experts in the mentioned theoretical frameworks.  Findings indicate that Rwanda's adoption of Green Growth strategies is contextually driven, reflecting the unique socio-economic and environmental challenges faced by the communities. Systemic leadership has emerged as crucial in fostering an environment that enhances community resilience, thereby supporting the successful implementation of Green Growth. This interconnectedness significantly bolsters the community's capacity to adopt green technologies, manage resources sustainably, and enhance socio-economic well-being. The study contributes to the theory of sustainable development by providing insights into the dynamics of Green Growth strategies in the Global South. It underscores the importance of aligning such strategies with local needs and conditions to ensure their effectiveness and sustainability. The thesis also offers practical recommendations for policymakers and stakeholders involved in crafting andadopting Green Growth strategies, suggesting that fostering leadership that appreciates systems interdependencies and community-driven initiatives can significantly enhance the resilience and sustainability of vulnerable communities.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.