Thesis (M.A.I.S.)--Oregon State University, 2010. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 42-44). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 1992. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-03T17:51:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Roger dos Anjos de Sá - 2014.pdf: 2409543 bytes, checksum: 0ca0c54b9202cdac71aefbd8a49fd939 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-03T17:56:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Roger dos Anjos de Sá - 2014.pdf: 2409543 bytes, checksum: 0ca0c54b9202cdac71aefbd8a49fd939 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-03T17:56:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Roger dos Anjos de Sá - 2014.pdf: 2409543 bytes, checksum: 0ca0c54b9202cdac71aefbd8a49fd939 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-25 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / In July 1979, the Sandinista Revolution triumphed in Nicaragua, thus constituting a political framework of great importance for the history of the last quarter of the twentieth century. In front of the revolutionary process, was the FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front), an organization founded in the early 1960s inspired by Augusto César Sandino, a nationalist who fought against the domination exerted by the United States of America in that country in the late 1920s and in the beginning of next decade. Sandino was assassinated at the behest of the then chief of the National Guard, Anastasio Somoza García, in 1934. In 1937, Somoza took over the government of Nicaragua inaugurating the longest of all dictatorships of America, which lasted until 1979. Associated various political ideologies derived from various social segments the FSLN led a popular uprising that toppled the dictatorship and began a period of intense disputes and social, economic and political transformations in Nicaragua. The tactic of economic transformation was conducted by the mixed economy and the political model was guided by plurality. Meanwhile the Sandinista Front sought to consolidate its hegemony through the cooptation of popular and mass organizations and also through the establishment of an Army. A few years after the revolutionary triumph came one armed counterrevolution, what made the consigning a war that consumed in huge sums of money following years and a concentration in military defense of the Revolution. The counterrevolutionary forces were formed under the auspices of the American government of Ronald Reagan. In this sense, the period between 1979 and 1990, Nicaragua became an important center of American interference, which combined the groups opposing the Sandinista Front, mainly the bourgeoisie and the upper hierarchy of the Catholic Church constituted together, armed groups, the cons, who fought with the government a civil war. The Sandinista Revolution lasted until 1990, when the FSLN was defeated electorally by a counterrevolutionary coalition called UNO (National Union Opposition) that was financed by the United States. / Em julho de 1979, a Revolução Sandinista triunfou na Nicarágua, constituindo assim um marco político de grande relevância para a história do último quartel do século XX. Na dianteira do processo revolucionário, estava a FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional), organização fundada no início da década de 1960 inspirada em Augusto César Sandino, um nacionalista que lutou contra a dominação exercida pelos Estados Unidos da América naquele país no final dos anos 1920 e no início da década seguinte. Sandino foi assassinado a mando do então chefe da Guarda Nacional, Anastásio Somoza García, em 1934. Em 1937, Somoza assumiu o governo da Nicarágua, inaugurando a mais longa de todas as ditaduras da América, que durou até 1979. Associados a diversas ideologias políticas oriundas de variados segmentos sociais, a FSLN liderou uma insurreição popular que derrubou a ditadura e iniciou um período de intensas disputas e transformações sociais, econômicas e políticas na Nicarágua. A tática de transformação econômica foi conduzida pela economia mista e o modelo político foi pautado pela pluralidade. Entrementes a Frente Sandinista buscou consolidar sua hegemonia mediante a cooptação de organizações populares e de massa e também através da constituição de um Exército. Poucos anos após o triunfo revolucionário, surgiu uma contrarrevolução armada, o que fez com que se consignasse uma situação de guerra que consumiu nos anos seguintes enormes somas monetárias e uma concentração na defesa militar da Revolução. As forças contrarrevolucionárias foram formadas sob a tutela do governo norte-americano de Ronald Reagan. Neste sentido, no período entre 1979 e 1990, a Nicarágua tornou-se um importante polo da ingerência norte-americana, que aliada a grupos opostos a Frente Sandinista, principalmente à burguesia e à alta hierarquia da Igreja Católica, constituíram juntos grupos armados, os contras, que travaram com o governo uma guerra civil. A Revolução Sandinista durou até 1990, quando a FSLN foi derrotada eleitoralmente por uma coalização contrarrevolucionária denominada UNO (União Nacional Opositora), financiada pelos Estados Unidos.

In 2007, revolutionary commander Daniel Ortega returned to power in Nicaragua, claiming to enact the “second phase” of the Sandinista Popular Revolution (1979-1990). However, this was not a return to revolution as Nicaraguans had come to know it. The Ortega regime established timely alliances with former adversaries, including the leadership of the Catholic Church as well as the nation’s business elites. Moreover, Sandinismo was recast from the figures of revolutionary militancy and the disciplined party-state to a personalistic vision of the loving patriarch, disseminating a kitsch-ified, religiously inflected doctrine of ‘love’ to the neoliberalized masses. Though Ortega was elected without a majoritarian mandate, his regime quickly grew in popularity while also consolidating an authoritarian political project that dismantled incipient liberal-democratic institutions and constitutional guarantees in the name of ‘the people.’ Based on 24 months of participant-observation research between 2014 and 2018 in the peripheries of a city located in the urban pacific of Nicaragua, a traditional Sandinista stronghold, this dissertation investigates the Ortega regime’s capacity to hail Nicaraguans into relation with Sandinismo and the FSLN party in the post-revolutionary moment. I argue that the material exchanges that are most often taken to explain the mobilizing capacities of authoritarian populism must be analyzed in conjunction with the economy of affects that circulate in and through exchanges, which issue powerful forms of identification that help sustain people’s attachments to the FSLN even when redistributive politics fades away. For historical militants and other Sandinistas that lived through the 1980’s, attachments to the FSLN are structured by way of a ‘revolutionary a structure of feelings’ that continues to be reproduced in the contemporary moment. For my interlocutors, the gift of being a Sandinista, narrated as a political birth, brought with it an unpayable debt that produces obligations to Sandinismo. It is this very structure of feeling that enables militants to cope with multiple injuries to which the party routinely subjects them, which I argue come to be experienced as sacrifices on Sandinismo’s behalf. Moreover I suggest that being wounded by the FSLN itself might afford pleasure, and that it might be the site of production of a victimized identity, one dependent on attachment to that which injures. Finally, I argue that for a younger generation, Sandinismo has also produced strong forms of identification in the absence of historically structured attachments. This time, attachments are predicated not on the notion of a revolutionary inheritance, but on Sandinismo as a patriarchal family which rewards its members with a sense of mediatized recognition, righteousness, and power in exchange not for sacrifices, but for following the injunction to ‘produce prosperity’ as good neoliberal subjects aspiring to gain access to a range of consumer pleasures. It is these affective excesses that sharpen the boundaries of the political community and invest it with a vibrance it could not otherwise achieve, inviting and enabling those that are part of it to the often violent, permanent defense of Sandinismo.

Thesis advisor: Robert Murphy / Much has been said, often negatively, of the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in the international system. Usually these criticisms focus on financial advice rooted in neoliberal ideology rather than in conditions within a given economy, or on the strict conditions attached to IMF or World Bank loans. The discussion of the role of these institutions often does not extend into the discussion of revolutions. This study seeks to draw connections between IMF or World Bank involvement in developing states and the revolutions that occurred within them. Using John Foran’s model for revolution in the Third World, the study aims to determine whether conditionality constitutes a “world-systemic opening”—a change in the international system that allows the structural inadequacies of a state to fall to the pressures of the society beneath it. This examination reaffirms the notion that revolutions are complex processes with roots in a state’s structures and its placement in the international system. The revolutionary consequences of IMF and World Bank involvement is not limited to conditionality, however; in the three situations studied, conditionality was limited, despite rules to the contrary. Throughout these revolutions, the work of the IMF and World Bank is pervasive, especially in economic policy advising and the extending of loans crucial to the survival of the old economic system. More often than not it is the withdrawal of funding due to political oppression or instability than it is conditionality that constitutes a world-systemic opening. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: International Studies.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Études hispaniques et lation-américaines--Paris 3, 1999. Titre de soutenance : La communication politique et culturelle de la révolution sandiniste (1959-1979). / Bibliogr. p. 267-270.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International. Available also from UMI Company.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2005. / Supervisor: Gideon Sjoberg. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

In 1990, ten years after the Sandinista revolution's triumph, came its end. What followed were anti-Sandinistas' attempts to erase Nicaragua's revolutionary past and Sandinistas' defense of that project and the party that represents it, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). For most Sandinistas, to publicly remember the revolution was a form of defense. Their memories were considered counter-hegemonic ones that reminded people that the past and the revolution's propositions still had value. However, Sandinistas' revolutionary narratives of the past are not free of problems and contradictions. The FSLN has popularized a Sandinista collective memory that idealizes the revolution. This is an indulgent memory that avoids talking about mistakes and problems. It is also a sentimental memory that links sandinismo to high morals and goodness and, in doing so, inhibits questioning the past and the present. This collective memory hinders discussions about other Sandinista memories, but, most importantly, it legitimizes problematic continuities in the way power is exerted; continuities which are not unique to sandinismo. This dissertation analyses how Sandinista peasants from a region in the old agrarian frontier of the country remember the revolution. In analyzing their memories one can see the ways in which the revolution is felt, the meaning of sandinismo among that population, and the kinds of political compromises they have to make today. Their memories show that the strength of the FSLN lies not only in economical or political interests, but also in the way the narratives of the past reaffirm attachments built over thirty years or more. While remembering the revolution's political ideals continues to be an important political statement and source of inspiration, constant critiques should be part of any memory work. To start with, memory work needs to acknowledge the constructed character of any memory, be those personal or collective, and the omissions that constitute them. To do so entail recognizing that memories are made of exclusions, repetitions, and forgetting and that the political work of memory not only never ends but involves the difficult task of questioning itself. / text

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Araujo Brandao.pdf: 1615355 bytes, checksum: d996c355e9ede6a5d4e46b65725a59c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte