The dissertation is devoted to the notion of preventive diplomacy. In the first part, various theoretical approaches to the term are discussed, especially regarding the position of preventive diplomacy in the cycle of conflict, and its instruments. A brief overview of regional arrangements and their role in preventive diplomacy is provided, too, since the second main part of the work focuses on the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and its proclaimed intention to introduce preventive diplomacy in the region. Nonetheless, as the study shows, the ARF participants have not yet resorted to the development of preventive diplomacy. The objective of the dissertation is twofold: besides providing a synthesis and systemization of theoretical approaches to preventive diplomacy, it aims to identify the main obstacles hindering the ARF to implement effective measures of preventive diplomacy. In this respect, it is argued that it is both the set of norms also known as ASEAN Way and the Chinese negative stance that constitute the major reason of ARF's inability to proceed to the stage of preventive diplomacy.

In my dissertation on 'Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nu-clear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968', I study the use of security assistance as nonproliferation policy. I use insights of the Structural Realist and the Rational Institutionalist theories of International Relations to explain, respectively, important foreign policy goals and the basic orientation of policies, on the one hand, and the practical workings and effects of security cooperation on states’ behavior, on the other hand. Moreover, I consider the relations of the United States (US) with the two states in light of bargaining theory to explain the level of US ability to press other states to its preferred courses of action. The study is thus a combination of theory proposing and testing and historic description and explanation. It is also policy-relevant as I seek general lessons regarding the use of security cooperation as nonproliferation policy. I show that the US sought to keep the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from acquiring nuclear weapons in order to avoid crises with Moscow and threats to the cohesion of NATO. But the US also saw it as necessary to credibly guarantee the security of the FRG and treat it well in order to ensure that it would remain satisfied as an ally and without own nuclear weapons. Through various institutionalized security cooperation schemes, the US succeeded in this – though the FRG did acquire an option to produce nuclear weapons. The US opposed Israel’s nuclear weapon ambitions in turn because of an expectation that Arab states’ reactions could otherwise result in greater tension and risks of escalation and a worse balance-of-power in the area. But as also a US-Israel alliance could have led to stronger Arab-Soviet ties and thus a worse balance-of-power, and as it was not in US in-terest to be tied to Israel’s side in all regional issues, the US was not prepared to guarantee Israel’s security in a formal, credible way like it did in West Germany’s case. The US failed to persuade Israel to forgo producing nuclear weapons but gradually, an opaque nu-clear status combined with US arms sales that helped Israel to maintain a conventional military advantage over Arabs emerged as a solution to Israel’s security strategy. Because of perceptions that Israel and the FRG had also other options than cooperation with the US, and because the US ability to punish them for unwanted action was limited, these states were able to offer resistance when the US pressed its nonproliferation stance on them. / In meiner Doktorarbeit ‘Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nuclear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968’ forsche ich die Anwendung von Sicherheitshilfe als Nukleare Nichtverbreitungspolitik. Ich benutze Erkenntnisse der strukturell-realistischen und rational-institutionalistischen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen um respektive einerseits wichtige aussenpolitische Ziele und die grundlegende Orientierung der Politik, und andererseits Praxis und die Wirkungen der Sicherheitskooperation auf das Verhalten der Staaten zu erläutern. Überdies studiere ich die Beziehungen der Vereinigten Staaten der America (USA) zu der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD) und Israel aus der Perspektive der Verhandlungstheorie, um zu erklären, wie weit die USA fähig waren, die beiden anderen Staaten zu drängen, nach seinen Prefärenzen zu verhalten. Die Studie ist also eine Kombination von Theorie-Vorschlägen und Theorie-Testen und von historischer Beschreibung und Erläuterung. Die Studie ist auch relevant für Politik: ich suche allgemeine Lehren über die Benutzung von Sicherheitskooperation als Nichtverbreitungspolitik. Ich zeige, dass um Krisen mit Moskau und Drohungen gegen die Kohäsion der NATO zu meiden, die USA zu verhindern versucht haben, dass die BRD eigene Kernwaffen schaffen würde. Aber die USA haben gleichzeitig eingesehen, dass es nötig war, die Sicherheit der BRD glaubhaftig zu garantieren und die BRD gut zu behandeln, um zu gewährleisten, dass sie zufrieden als eine Allierte und ohne eigene Kernwaffen bleiben würde. Dieses is der USA durch verschiedene institutionalisierte Anordnungen für Sicher-heitskooperation gelungen – obwohl die BRD sich eine Option angeschafft hat, Kernwaffen zu produzieren. Die USA waren gegen Israel’s Kernwaffenambitionen wegen der Erwartung, dass die Reaktionen der Arabstaaten sonst zu verstärkten Spannungen und Risiken der Eskalation und zu einem verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht in der Region führen könnten. Aber weil auch eine US-Israel Allianz zu einem stärkeren Arab-Soviet Band und deswegen zu einen verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht hätte führen können, und da es nicht im Interesse der USA war, in allen regionalen Fragen auf der Seite Israel’s gebunden zu bleiben, waren die USA nicht bereit, wie im Fall von der BRD, die Sicherheit Israel’s auf einer formalen, glaubhaften Weise zu garantieren. Die USA sind daran gescheitert, Israel davon zu überzeugen, auf Kernwaffenproduktion zu verzichten, aber graduell ist ein opaker Kernwaffenstatus, verbunden mit amerikanischen Waffen-verkaufen, die dem Israel geholfen haben, eine konventionelle militärische Überlegenheit über die Araber zu behalten, als eine Lösung zu Israel’s Sicherheitsstrategie entstanden. Wegen der Erkenntnisse, dass Israel und die BRD auch andere Optionen als die Kooperation mit der USA hatten, und weil die Fähigkeit der USA beschränkt war, die zwei Staaten wegen nichterwünschten Aktionen zu bestrafen, waren diese fähig, sich zu widersetzen, als die USA versucht haben, sie zu ihrer Einstellung der Nichtverbreitung zu drängen.

This thesis concerns the development of trilateral strategic partnership between Australia, Japan and the United States and its implications for the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region. For over half a century, the predominant means for organizing security cooperation in this region has been through the creation and maintenance of bilateral defence arrangements. In response to changing international conditions, including the rise of China and nontraditional security threats, US strategic thinking has begun to look beyond the traditional model of US-led bilateral alliances in the Asia-Pacific. The emerging Australia- Japan-US security cooperation in the form of Trilateral Security Dialogue, established in 2002 and elevated to a ministerial-level Strategic Dialogue in 2005, indicates that the three allies have strengthened their ties and expanded their cooperation to build a more integrated and cohesive trilateral response to joint regional concerns.

No description available.

After the Cold War, international relationships changed from the Yalta System (emphasis on military alliance and arms race led by both superpowers the U.S. and the former Soviet Union) to the Malta System (emphasis on economic and security cooperation). Multilateral security cooperation mechanisms in the Asia Pacific were established one after another under the transition of the whole international circumstance. For purposes of maintaining regional stability, the PRC fully participates in the following meetings: ASEAN Regional Forum¡BThe Four Party Talks¡BAsia Europe Meeting¡BASEAN+3 Informal Summit¡BASEAN+1 Informal Summit¡BASEAN-China Dialogue Session¡BWorkshop on Managing Potential Conflicts in the South China Sea and Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific. It is a worthy issue to continuously observe whether these mechanisms can indeed shape China as a regional responsible member. On the other hand, we must question whether the PRC's participation is merely a tool that can help achieve other underlying purposes. Accordingly, this thesis will discuss two main subjects. Firstly, we will look into China¡¦s standpoints and strategies for participating in these Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms. Secondly, we will examine the Asia Pacific security strategies of the U.S., JAPAN, and ASEAN as well as their standpoints and strategies towards the PRC's participation in the Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms.

Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.