How do security communities develop in and through practice? For more than forty years, security relations between Russia and NATO member states were structured by the spectre of mutual assured destruction as symbolized by thousands of nuclear missiles targeted at each other. Less than a generation after the end of the Cold War, the possibility of military confrontation between these former enemies has considerably receded. Taking inspiration from Pierre Bourdieu, this dissertation develops a theory of practice of security communities that argues that on the ground of international politics, the social fact of peace emerges when security practitioners come to debate with diplomacy—the non-violent settlement of disputes—instead of about diplomacy. It is doxa, a relationship of immediate adherence to the order of things, that makes such a peaceful practical sense possible. In the empirical analysis, the dissertation reveals an intriguing paradox in the post-Cold War Russian-Atlantic relationship. On the one hand, over the last fifteen years Russia and NATO member states have solved each and every one of their disputes, including fierce ones over the double enlargement, by nonviolent means. Such a track record of peaceful change is testimony to security-communitybuilding processes. But on the other hand, diplomatic success was often bought at the price of a growing mistrust on the Russian side. As the Russian Great Power habitus resurfaced, hysteresis—a disconnect between players’ dispositions and their positions in the game—steadily increased to the point of inconclusive symbolic power struggles over the rules of the international security game and the roles that each player should play. A decade and a half after the end of the Cold War, Russian-Atlantic relations have left the terrain of military confrontation but have yet to settle on that of mature peace. Building on several dozen interviews with Russian and NATO security practitioners, the dissertation discovers that diplomacy has become a normal though not a self-evident practice in Russian-Atlantic dealings.

How do security communities develop in and through practice? For more than forty years, security relations between Russia and NATO member states were structured by the spectre of mutual assured destruction as symbolized by thousands of nuclear missiles targeted at each other. Less than a generation after the end of the Cold War, the possibility of military confrontation between these former enemies has considerably receded. Taking inspiration from Pierre Bourdieu, this dissertation develops a theory of practice of security communities that argues that on the ground of international politics, the social fact of peace emerges when security practitioners come to debate with diplomacy—the non-violent settlement of disputes—instead of about diplomacy. It is doxa, a relationship of immediate adherence to the order of things, that makes such a peaceful practical sense possible. In the empirical analysis, the dissertation reveals an intriguing paradox in the post-Cold War Russian-Atlantic relationship. On the one hand, over the last fifteen years Russia and NATO member states have solved each and every one of their disputes, including fierce ones over the double enlargement, by nonviolent means. Such a track record of peaceful change is testimony to security-communitybuilding processes. But on the other hand, diplomatic success was often bought at the price of a growing mistrust on the Russian side. As the Russian Great Power habitus resurfaced, hysteresis—a disconnect between players’ dispositions and their positions in the game—steadily increased to the point of inconclusive symbolic power struggles over the rules of the international security game and the roles that each player should play. A decade and a half after the end of the Cold War, Russian-Atlantic relations have left the terrain of military confrontation but have yet to settle on that of mature peace. Building on several dozen interviews with Russian and NATO security practitioners, the dissertation discovers that diplomacy has become a normal though not a self-evident practice in Russian-Atlantic dealings.

In the broadest sense, the three essays that form this dissertation address certain normative features in John Locke’s philosophy. “On Revolution: Arendt, Locke, and Republican Revisionism” deals with Hannah Arendt’s early republican revisionism that removes Locke’s influence from the American revolutionary period. Her (mistaken) belief is that Locke’s political philosophy encourages social disengagement and political apathy. In “One Body of People: Locke on Amerindians, Protestant Evangelism, and the Colonization of North America” I take seriously Locke’s religious devotion and reassess his colonial philosophy through an “evangelical” lens. It turns out his colonial thought was not motivated by “punishment” but by a perceived collective good. In “Friends in the State of Nature: John Locke and the Formation of Security Communities,” I explore the routinely overlooked fact that Locke characterizes humans as highly sociable and prone to friendship. To be sure, friendship and trust not only exist in the state of nature, they are what precipitate the contractual movement into civil society. This is particularly relevant given the fact that the realist tradition within International Relations almost reflexively characterizes the relationship between states as one of ruthless self ­interest. The way Locke speaks about the formation of political communities is highly reminiscent of “security communities,” a term popularized by Karl Deustch in the late 1950s, which describes groups of people who have integrated to such an extent that conflict can be managed in nonviolent ways. Locke characterizes the international community both in terms of moral communities (where different regions of the world share different values), and also in terms of economic communities of varying degrees of interdependence.

This study has aimed to examine the actions of the European Union and its member states during the on-going refugee crisis. The EU is founded on a certain set of values and institutions that were clearly abandoned by more than one of the actors of the EU in the face of the overwhelming refugee crisis. The purpose is thus to investigate the cause behind these decisions by using two European integration theories. Neofunctionalism and Security Communities were chosen because of their founding role in the field of theories and because they constitute a so called hard case. The study concludes that the reason for these actions has its explanation in the lack of trust and common values between the member states. The crisis is also perceived by some actors as an outside threat due to the securitization of the European identity.

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<p>This paper aims to tell out a “what next” question of the future scenarios that the European Union (EU), as a security community, is most likely to face in its development as a world power up to the year 2020. The EU is a rapidly evolving concept consolidating with comprehensive internal and external dimension and implication. Key concepts such as power, security, global governance and international order have been used as the underlying themes that will determine the course of the future. In this context Neo-realism, Constructivism and Security Community’s model have been used as the theoretical framework to examine how EU’s role in the international system can be analyzed in the conceptual framework of security. This is followed by a discussion on the concurrent ESDP instruments initiated by the new Constitution as a key momentum of security community buildup internally. To broaden understanding and to get a variety of perspectives, research reports and policy papers of some transatlantic think tanks were analyzed. While multi- perspectives of some prominent think tanks were reviewed, analyzed and discussed, the opinions of policy makers at the United Nations Head Quarters, New York, were also explored to reflect on how EU’s role in international affairs is being perceived in the corridors of power, both concurrently and futuristically. These views were consequently augmented by attending General Assembly and Security Council sessions during September 2004 to January 2005 to observe what sorts of power and influence EU exerts in the contemporary international system and what potential it has for the future. Based on these findings, the paper identified three scenarios that EU is most likely to face in its efforts to be an international power. The paper concluded with the understanding that EU has vision and potential to be a power in the international system futuristically, which can be further enhanced if EU enhances its military capabilities and improves its power perception in the eyes of various stakeholders. However since the international system is volatile, its future role cannot be predicted with accuracy, only alternative options can be identified. EU’s roles are dependent upon the degree of success of the integration process internally and the structural interaction with other major actors in the international system. Whereas EU may enhance its role up to the year 2020, it may not enter into a power conflict with other major powers. However it will play its role comparable with the magnitude of its size, power and influence to manage the international system, futuristically in an improvised way.</p>

This paper aims to tell out a “what next” question of the future scenarios that the European Union (EU), as a security community, is most likely to face in its development as a world power up to the year 2020. The EU is a rapidly evolving concept consolidating with comprehensive internal and external dimension and implication. Key concepts such as power, security, global governance and international order have been used as the underlying themes that will determine the course of the future. In this context Neo-realism, Constructivism and Security Community’s model have been used as the theoretical framework to examine how EU’s role in the international system can be analyzed in the conceptual framework of security. This is followed by a discussion on the concurrent ESDP instruments initiated by the new Constitution as a key momentum of security community buildup internally. To broaden understanding and to get a variety of perspectives, research reports and policy papers of some transatlantic think tanks were analyzed. While multi- perspectives of some prominent think tanks were reviewed, analyzed and discussed, the opinions of policy makers at the United Nations Head Quarters, New York, were also explored to reflect on how EU’s role in international affairs is being perceived in the corridors of power, both concurrently and futuristically. These views were consequently augmented by attending General Assembly and Security Council sessions during September 2004 to January 2005 to observe what sorts of power and influence EU exerts in the contemporary international system and what potential it has for the future. Based on these findings, the paper identified three scenarios that EU is most likely to face in its efforts to be an international power. The paper concluded with the understanding that EU has vision and potential to be a power in the international system futuristically, which can be further enhanced if EU enhances its military capabilities and improves its power perception in the eyes of various stakeholders. However since the international system is volatile, its future role cannot be predicted with accuracy, only alternative options can be identified. EU’s roles are dependent upon the degree of success of the integration process internally and the structural interaction with other major actors in the international system. Whereas EU may enhance its role up to the year 2020, it may not enter into a power conflict with other major powers. However it will play its role comparable with the magnitude of its size, power and influence to manage the international system, futuristically in an improvised way.

[pt] A América do Sul é uma região cuja anarquia internacional contemporaneamente não apresenta mais um estado de anarquia marcado pelo dilema de segurança. Saber se essa sociedade internacional obteve uma mudança pacífica a ponto de superar este dilema e atingir uma comunidade pluralista de segurança é o problema de pesquisa desta tese. Isso requer o entendimento deste conceito, bem como a constatação da presença de seus elementos constitutivos na região sul-americana. Para responder a esta pergunta, o trabalho foi dividido em duas partes, a primeira de natureza teórica e a segunda de caráter empírico. Cada uma tem dois capítulos. No primeiro capítulo da parte teórica, expõe-se a revisão da literatura sobre comunidades de segurança e, no segundo capítulo, faz-se uma revisão da literatura relativa à segurança internacional na região. Quanto à parte empírica, seu primeiro capítulo foi destinado a traçar um perfil da ordem sulamericana durante a Guerra Fria antes da hipotética emergência de uma comunidade de segurança na região. Já no quarto capítulo demonstra-se seu possível surgimento e consolidação no pós-Guerra Fria. O método comparativo é usado para cotejar esses dois períodos, de modo a captar uma possível transição para uma comunidade de segurança. Conclui-se que, após a guerra fria, não se pode dizer ainda que a América do Sul apresenta todos os elementos de uma Comunidade de Segurança madura, mas se encontra em estágio ascendente. / [en] South America is a region which international anarchy presently does not show a condition marked by the security dilemma anymore. To assess to what extent this international society has obtained a peaceful change up to a point of overcoming this dilemma and achieving a pluralistic security community condition is the research problem of this thesis. It requires the comprehension of this concept, as well as the assessment of its constitutive elements in the South- American region. To answer this question, the thesis has been divided in two parts, the first of theoretical nature and the second of empirical character. Each of them has two chapters. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, one exposes the literature review on security communities. In the second chapter, one makes a literature review of the international security relatively to the region. As for the empirical part, its first chapter has been destined to trace the profile of South- American order during the Cold War, before the hypothetical emergence of a security community in the region. In the fourth chapter, one shows its possible emergence and consolidation in the post-Cold War. The comparative method is used to contrast these two periods in order to capture the possible transition to a Security Community. One concludes that, after the Cold War one cannot state that South America has all elements of a Security C ommunity but it is in an emergent stage.

The theory of ‘security communities’ is generally understood as ”dependable expectations of peaceful change” between groups and whether or not the African Union can be said to meet that criteria has been contested in the research community. One of the central disagreements lie in the nature of the region’s conflicts, of which a majority are intrastate but with tendencies of transnational involvement. This paper seeks to understand how extensive this involvement is and how it affects the possibility of classifying the African Union as a security community. The findings show that, despite some increased development in terms of cooperation between former adversaries, there is not sufficient support for the African Union to be a security community because of the deeply destabilizing effect some of the conflict involvements have on the perception of security and reciprocal trust in the region.

Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.