The focus of this study is to analyze the relationship of change in Thailand¡¦s southern policy and separatist movements, or the relationship between the Bangkok regime¡¦s policies toward Malay-Muslims in southern Thailand and the Separatist Movement. The research approach is to explain the root causes for Malay-Muslim in southern Thailand in armed resistance against the central government, moderation and radical periods in the Separatist Movement. According to historical institutionalism, the process of institutional and historical development is a ¡§punctuated equilibrium,¡¨ and historical contexts evolve according to ¡§path dependency.¡¨ Except when crises in the external environmental changes cause ¡§punctuated equilibria,¡¨ it would basically cause those in power to establish new coping strategies that cause change or collapse to the old system. In late 19th century, expansion by the English and French colonialism and imperialism in Indochina caused King Chulalongkorn to accelerate reform in national territorialization and power centralization. In turn, the Kingdom of Patani was transformed from a vassal state to a province in southern Siam, ending the power of Malay Rajas, which motivated the historical origins of southern Thailand separatism. A review of the Thai historical development found that, after Chulalongkorn the crises in external environmental change frequently lead the ruling regime in Bangkok to establish new southern Thailand policies. In sum, the external environmental changes in the temporal sequence of colonial empires fighting for their interests against each other, threat of the Communist Party, Democratization, Globalization and war on counter-terrorism affected the new southern policies of Thailand by Rama VI, Phibun Songkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Prem Tinsulanonda, and Thaksin Shinawatra. It is also intimately connected to the radicalism or moderation of the Malay-Muslim Separatist Movement.

Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement séparatiste tamoul sri lankais en France, depuis son émergence au début des années 1980 jusqu'à 2009. L'enjeu est de comprendre les ressorts du nationalisme à distance tel qu'il est diffusé par les associations tamoules de la région parisienne qui ont soutenu les Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Il est aussi dequestionner le concept de nationalisme à longue distance. A partir d'une enquête reposant principalement sur des entretiens et de l'observation directe, ce travail propose notamment une analyse du fonctionnement interne du mouvement et de ses relations externes. C'est d'abord le projet identitaire et politique du nationalisme eelamiste qui est défini, ainsi que la façon dont les leaders pro LTTE ont diffusé cette idéologie nationaliste dans l'ensemble de la diaspora tamoule. Le succès des discours séparatistes ne peut cependant se comprendre sans une analyse des dispositifs qui permettent en France d'ancrer la nation tamoule dans la vie quotidienne des migrants. Cette thèse montre ainsi que le mouvement nationaliste tamoul fonctionne comme une institution dans laquelle les comportements de dévouement sont valorisés, mais aussi dans laquelle la possibilité d'investissements différenciés est aménagée. Enfin, cette étude montre comment le mouvement eelamiste en France a été amené à se reconfigurer sous l'effet des relations externes établies à différentes échelles d'action / This dissertation deals with the Sri Lankan Tamil separatist movement in France, from its beginning in the 1980's to 2009. The aim is to understand the way Tamil associations in the Paris region have supported the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and have spread the Tamil long-distance nationalism. Based mainly on interviews and direct observation, this studyoffers an interactionnist analysis of the internal functioning of the movement and of its external relations. First the identity and political project of Eelam nationalism is exposed, as well as the way it has expanded in the Tamil diaspora. Nevertheless the succes of nationalist discourses cannot be understood without examining the system that anchors the Tamil nation in the migrants' daily lives. This dissertation shows that the Tamil nationalist movement works like an institution. Devotion behaviours are encouraged but differentiated engagements are also made possible. Finally this work shows how the Eelam movement in France has evolved according to the effects of external relations at multiple locations

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This diploma theses deals with attempts to declare independent states, namely in the case of the Republic of Azawad, Logone and Boko Haram caliphate, which originated between 2012 and 2015. Today, the existence of deviant forms of the state is nothing new, so there are many concepts and classifications that relate to this issue. For this theses will be the significant particular concept of states-within-states by Ian Spears and Paul Kingston and the classification by Bartosz Stanislawski, extended by authors Katarzyn Pełczyńska-Nałęc, Krzysztof Strachot and Maciej Falkowski. The subsequent description of the causes, the way of dominating the area and the events after the declaration of the independent state itself in the individual case studies will lead to a analysis of the way in which the area is administrated or the newly established institutions. Due to this analysis, it will be able to apply the states-within-states concept and Bartosz Stanislawki's classification and then determine whether this application is possible in all three cases. The last part of the work, which should confirm or disapprove the main hypothesis of the work, will then be used to evaluate whether the specific attempts are rather effective or ephemeral projects.

Most studies examine how homeland policies influence the host state and what role the homeland plays for diaspora. In this paper, I will examine the reasons and conditions for why ethnic groups do or do not support violent ethnic groups. This study tests how external threats impact the level of support within the same ethnic groups. I will examine the causal relationship between external pressure and non-cooperation through a structured, comparative study of Kurdish ethnic groups.

The aim of the master thesis is to determine factors that contribute to peace settlement of separatist conflicts. It compares two separatist conflicts with different forms of termination. The Indonesian government signed a peace agreement with separatists in province of Aceh and offered them greater autonomy, whereas the government of Sri Lanka decided on military suppression of Tamil separatists. The analysis of the conflicts is based on six factors that are built on the study of Barbara Walter about the concept of reputation building. According to the concept, governments are less likely to go for peace settlement when facing more imperilling separatist groups, seeing that governments have to invest in reputation building. The comparative case study is based on following factors: potential future separatists, value of land currently under dispute, proportion of total population and territory, balance of power between separatists and government, political system with focus on democracy, degree of centralization/ federalism. The evidence seems to be strong that the theory of reputation building does not apply to selected cases because the peace settlement was achieved in Indonesia which has far more potential separatist groups than Sri Lanka. In conclusion, the thesis identifies following factors...

The Master's thesis "ETA in Spanish Fiction Movies: Product or Creator of Spanish Collective Memory?" focuses on the interrelationship between history, cinematic representations and the way individuals perceive the traumatic past of Spanish history related to the Basque separatist organization ETA. Althought in the recent years there has been a proliferation of literature on collective memory, the approach, which this research follows, fills the gap by combining the macro-level (public) and micro-level (personal) of collective memory. Using the dynamics memory perspective, a theoretical framework that has grown popular within the multidisciplinary territories of collective memory scholarship, the thesis analyses four movies dealing with the ETA subject. These works allow us reflect on how the Basque separatist organization is portrayed in Spanish cinema and how this image has changed through time. To complement the investigation at the macrolevel, semi-structured interviews with 14 participants were conducted, searching for answers how cinematic representations influence people's perception of ETA and its actions. In both cases, thematic analysis was employed as a technique of data analysis

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.

The purpose of this essey is to investigate whether and if so how women's separatist music rooms can create an extended acting space for female musicians. To do this, I have conducted an interview study of organizers and former music participants at the organizations Popkollo and Femtastic. The analytical discussions is held with the theoretical approach of Judith Butler's "heterosexual matrix" and Cecilia Björck's interpretation of Michel Foucault's "The gender disciplinary gaze". The results show that the main reason to choose women's separatist music room has been a longing to ”take place” and to ”get to the be yourself". Furthermore, the results show that the room enabled a liberation from outsiders ideal images of the "mild" and "fragile" female musician, whereupon more expressive positions was made possible. The study also reveald a dilemma in a balance to be liberated, but at the same time adapt to popular music gender-coded ideals. Furthermore the results show that in this context it is sometimes perceived as disfavouring to be coded as both a female artist and a feminist. This is because of the tendency to be seen and treated as a homogenous group with a common political agenda. Finally, I note, however, that women's separatist music room at least can create possibilities for an extended acting space as the informants has expressed a development both personally and musically.