Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

<p>Corruption is a serious problem which has many negative impacts on sustainable economic development globally. The clandestine nature of corruption makes it difficult to detect. Hence, efforts to combat corruption successfully demand comprehensive anti-corruption legislation, strong powers, as well as special investigative techniques and strategies. An effective anti-corruption regime requires a comprehensive anti-corruption legal framework which not only punishes all forms of corruption but also capacitates anti-corruption institutions. A strong anti-corruption agency is a&nbsp / crucial requirement and a necessary part of a country&rsquo / s anti-corruption strategy. The failure or the success of an anti-corruption agency depends on a variety of factors, such as powers and means to detect, investigate and prosecute corruption and related offences. The lack of trained staff, as well as the lack of adequate material resources, also affects the effectiveness of an anti-corruption agency. The anti-corruption agencies covered by this research are not empowered or resourced sufficiently, which may result in their ineffectiveness. This paper provides a set of recommendations in respect of the powers and strategies needed for a successful anti-corruption agency.</p>

Hovedopgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

<p>Corruption is a serious problem which has many negative impacts on sustainable economic development globally. The clandestine nature of corruption makes it difficult to detect. Hence, efforts to combat corruption successfully demand comprehensive anti-corruption legislation, strong powers, as well as special investigative techniques and strategies. An effective anti-corruption regime requires a comprehensive anti-corruption legal framework which not only punishes all forms of corruption but also capacitates anti-corruption institutions. A strong anti-corruption agency is a&nbsp / crucial requirement and a necessary part of a country&rsquo / s anti-corruption strategy. The failure or the success of an anti-corruption agency depends on a variety of factors, such as powers and means to detect, investigate and prosecute corruption and related offences. The lack of trained staff, as well as the lack of adequate material resources, also affects the effectiveness of an anti-corruption agency. The anti-corruption agencies covered by this research are not empowered or resourced sufficiently, which may result in their ineffectiveness. This paper provides a set of recommendations in respect of the powers and strategies needed for a successful anti-corruption agency.</p>

En Sierra Leone, la marginalisation de l'agriculture est une composante essentielle de la crise économique, sociale et politique dont la manifestation la plus tragique a été la guerre civile entre 1991 et 2001. À l'échelle nationale, le secteur agricole représente toujours la majorité des actifs, mais la production alimentaire a chuté depuis les années 1970. Parallèlement au développement du secteur diamantifère, les importations massives de riz à bas coût ont dévalorisé le travail des producteurs nationaux. Cette marginalisation se poursuit avec l'émergence, récente, d'un secteur agro-industriel financé par des capitaux internationaux. A l'échelle d'une petite région, cette crise des agricultures paysannes se décline selon une trajectoire spécifique. La diversité de la mosaïque paysagère témoigne de la transformation profonde des modes d'exploitation du milieu. Les paysans combinent la culture sur brûlis historique avec la riziculture inondée, le billonnage des savanes, les plantations pérennes, ... La pression démographique a pesé sur ces dynamiques mais c'est la marchandisation des rapports sociaux qui a constitué la tendance déterminante. Les grands groupes domestiques, structurés par les rapports lignagers, ont éclaté. Aujourd'hui, les échanges de force de travail entre producteurs sont à l'origine de disparités économiques non négligeables. Cependant, dans des conditions d'intégration économique défavorables, la productivité du travail a stagné voire à reculé. De ce fait, la persistance de rapports sociaux d'antériorité, notamment l'adoption enfantine comme modalité d'accumulation, limite les processus de différenciation au sein de la paysannerie.

Thesis (doctorat)--Institut national agronomique Paris-Grignon, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-411).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Clark Atlanta University, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 341-355).

The Formative Period in the South: IntroductionThe text doesn´t have an abstract / El texto no presenta resumen

Karen L. Mohr-Chavez (1941-2001)The text doesn't have an abstract / El texto no presenta resumen

Following state-building campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, the UK has increasingly eschewed large-scale intervention in favour of local proxy forces. Whilst this strategy might appeal to the war-weary and cash strapped interventionist, frequent use of military capacity building as a tool of foreign policy inevitably raises questions about the accountability of those local forces being trained. This thesis examines the exportation of Western concepts of civil-military relations into the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), carried out by the British-led International Military Advisory and Training Team (IMATT) during intervention and post-conflict stabilisation in Sierra Leone. It argues that external interventionists can reshape local military culture, to promote both democratic civil-military norms and professional military effectiveness, but only through extensive institutional change. In Sierra Leone, IMATT attempted to change the organisational culture of the RSLAF by reforming its institutional mechanisms for socialisation, training, education and promotion. By inculcating a new normative ethos in a cohort of junior RSLAF officers, IMATT sought to promulgate cultural change throughout the military via a structured process of intra-service competition and generational replacement. This novel blend of internal and external processes of military change challenges existing scholarship on military innovation and adaptation, advancing our understanding of the relationship between military culture, military change, and external intervention. However, this process of institutional redevelopment and cultural change in the RSLAF proved to be both heavily contested and deeply political, ultimately leading to partial results. Consequently, IMATT’s experience of RSLAF reform holds important implications for the study of civil-military relations and security sector reform, and with it, the conduct of contemporary military capacity building and liberal intervention.