No description available.

Zugl.: Köln, Univ., Diss, 2005

No description available.

No description available.

Proefschrift Universiteit van Amsterdam. / Met lit. opg. - Met samenvatting in het Nederlands en Engels.

Die evangelische Diaspora ist weltweit mit Veränderungen konfrontiert. Durch Abwanderung vom Land zerstreuen sich gewachsene Gemeinden. Zugleich ist es für die Gemeinden in den Städten schwierig, die entwurzelten Menschen zu erreichen und wieder zu sammeln. „Diaspora in Stadt und Land“ ist ein drängendes Thema für alle Diasporakirchen im Netzwerk des Gustav-Adolf-Werks. Das Jahrbuch 2022/23 bietet grundsätzliche Überlegungen zu diesem Thema genauso wie länder- und kirchenbezogenen Einzelbeiträge. Die unumkehrbare Landflucht stellt neue Anforderungen für die Gestaltung ländlicher Räume. Doch es gibt dazu gelungene Beispiele von Aufbrüchen: in den weit ausgedehnten ländlichen Regionen Ost- bzw. Mitteldeutschlands, die auch religiöse Aufbrüche sind, oder in Ungarn, wo die Einbindung der Kirchengemeinden in die dörflichen Gemeinschaften eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Trotz aller Schwierigkeiten gibt es auch vielversprechende Projekte, Zugewanderte in den Städten kirchlich neu zu integrieren. Weitere Beiträge befassen sich mit gesellschaftlichen Herausforderungen wie Säkularisierung und Individualisierung.

Zugl.: Erfurt, Univ., Diss., 2009

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Immigrant societies are in the midst of heated debates about citizenship and what it means to belong to their nation-states. The main purpose of this study is to conduct exploratory and descriptive research into the concept of belonging to a host country, in order to advance an understanding of this under-conceptualised, yet topical issue. The project was based on an extensive review of literature from the fields of psychology, sociology and political science, as well as on the responses from an empirical, quantitative survey of Zimbabweans living in South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. The findings reveal that Zimbabwean respondents are frustrated with perceived attempts to exclude them from becoming full and equal members of host societies. Zimbabweans who feel that they will never truly belong or be fully accepted by host countries have subsequently developed a heightened sense of attachment to Zimbabwe, as a way of differentiating themselves from the dominant population. The main conclusion that can be drawn is that belonging, inclusion and identification with a host country is a complex process that involves three separate stakeholders namely the host country, members of the dominant group, and the immigrants themselves. This research thus argues that the problem of immigrant integration should be viewed through multiple lenses, by including the influence of various stakeholders. Doing so would lead to a more nuanced understanding of the forces influencing belonging, and could potentially lead to the formulation of more comprehensive and more targeted policies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Immigrante samelewings is in die midde van hewige debatte oor burgerskap en wat dit beteken om te behoort tot hul nasie-state. Die hoofdoel van hierdie studie is om in verkennende en beskrywende ondersoek van die konsep “gasheer land intergrasie”, ten einde 'n begrip van hierdie vooraf onder-gekonseptualiseerde maar tog hedendaags belangrike konsep, te formuleer. Die projek is op 'n omvattende oorsig van die literatuur gebaseer uit die gebied van sielkunde, sosiologie en politieke wetenskap, sowel as op die antwoorde van' ʼn empiriese, kwantitatiewe opname van Zimbabwiërs wat in Suid-Afrika, die Verenigde Koninkryk en die Verenigde State van Amerika gehuisves is. Die bevinding van die studie toon dat die Zimbabwiese proefpersone gefrustreerd is met die waargenome pogings van uitsluiting deur lede van die gasheer lande ten opsigte van volle gelykstelling met bogenoemde lede. Zimbabwiërs wat voel dat hulle sal nooit werklik behoort, of nie ten volle aanvaar sal word in gasheer-lande nie, het 'n verhoogde gevoel van verbinding ontwikkel met hul tuisland Zimbabwe, as ʼn manier van onderskeiding tussen hulself en die dominante bevolking. Die belangrikste gevolgtrekking wat gemaak kan word, is dat groep behoorting, insluiting en identifikasie met 'n gasheer land 'n komplekse proses is wat drie afsonderlike belanghebbendes naamlik die gasheer land, die lede van die dominante groep en die immigrante hulself behels. Hierdie navorsing argumenteer dus dat die probleem van die immigrant integrasie uit verskeie perspektiewe geanaliseer moet word, deur die betrekking van die invloed van verskeie belanghebbendes. Dit sou lei tot 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van die kragte wat ʼn uitwerking het op intergrasie, en kan moontlik lei tot die formulering van meer omvattende en geringe beleide.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-25T22:23:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 308891.pdf: 3528924 bytes, checksum: e6cd9ce5b2ea38308ab08567d3abf3eb (MD5) / A América Latina e o Caribe apresentam uma multiplicidade de povos afrodescendentes em seu território, com importantes minorias negras. Na última década, muitas das redes de organizações políticas negras desses espaços têm dado indícios de que está emergindo um novo tipo de Movimento Negro, menos fundamentado em discursos e ações baseados em estruturas identitárias fixas, rígidas e territorializadas, paulatinamente transitando para modelos discursivos e de ação política baseados em estruturas de identificações mais múltiplas e desterritorializadas. Partindo do pressuposto de que os estudos pós-coloniais e culturais apresentam uma nova dinâmica para empreendermos estudos alternativos sobre questões relativas às atuais lutas de combate do racismo, uma estrutura de pensamento não moderno que favorece e estimula a percepção anti-hierárquica da história sociocultural, esta tese buscou compreender as políticas de combate ao racismo numa perspectiva transnacional e como resultado da diáspora atuando como movimento social, no contexto do "Atlântico Negro". O objetivo geral foi o de apresentar a tese de que as políticas de combate ao racismo podem ser compreendidas numa dinâmica política transnacional, opondo-se a visão que ainda concebe essas políticas, que cada vez mais se espalham ao redor do mundo, como nada mais que meras cópias de uma doxa racial estrangeira, ou melhor, demandas emergentes de uma doxa racial territorialmente localizada, mais especificamente, norte-americana, que nada teria a ver com as populações afrodescendentes da América Latina e do Caribe. Assim, tomando por base a atuação da Red de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diaspora (RMAAD), as referências teórico-metodológicas dos estudos pós-coloniais e culturais, assim como a teoria das redes de movimentos sociais, demonstramos como vem se desenvolvendo, nos movimentos negros da América Latina e do Caribe, um discurso e uma estética caracteristicamente descolonizadora, transcultural, global e diaspórica que, por sua vez, confere ao movimento negro uma configuração transnacional que extrapola os referenciais até então adotados para a análise dessas questões, que priorizam perspectivas essencialistas e relativizadoras. Propusemos também uma abordagem alternativa do tema que levasse a pensar as políticas de combate ao racismo não como medidas que se contrapõem aos princípios universalistas, mas como mecanismos que, na sua especificidade, contribuem para o aprofundamento e consolidação da democracia. A ideia aqui é a de conceber a ação política contemporânea dos movimentos negros associada à noção de diáspora aberta, à produção da diferença criativa, naquele espaço imaginado denominado por Paul Gilroy (2001) como "Black Atlantic". / Latin America and the Caribbean present a multiplicity of people African descent in its territory, with significant black minorities. In the last decade, many networks of black political organizations such spaces have provided some evidence that is emerging a new kind of Black Movement, less based on speeches and actions based in identity structures fixed, rigid and territorialized, gradually transitioning to the narrative and political action based in multiple identifications and dispossessed. Assuming that the post-colonial and cultural studies present a new dynamics to undertake alternative studies on issues related to current struggles against racism, a structure non-modern thought that favors and stimulates the perception of anti-hierarchical sociocultural history, this thesis aims to understand the policies to combat racism in a transnational perspective and as a result of the diaspora acting as a social movement, as the context of taking action the "Black Atlantic". The overall objective of this research was to present the thesis that policies to combat racism can be understood in a dynamic transnational politics, opposing the view that these policies still sees, which increasingly are spread around the world, as nothing more than mere copies of a foreign racial doxa, or rather demands arising from a racial doxa territorially located, more specifically, North American, which has nothing to do with the people of African descent in Latin America and the Caribbean. Based on the performance of the Red de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diaspora (RMAAD), according to the theoretical and methodological references of postcolonial and cultural studies, as well as theory the networks of social movements, as demonstrated has been developed in black movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, a speech and an aesthetic characteristic decolonizing, transcultural, diasporic and global, which in turn gives to the black movements a transnational configuration extrapolating the reference, previously adopted for the analysis of these issues with focus essentialist and relativity perspectives. We also proposed an alternative approach that takes the theme to think about policies to combat racism, not as measures that are opposed to universal principles, but as mechanisms which, in its specificity, contribute to the deepening and consolidation of democracy. The idea here is to conceive the political action of the contemporary black movements associated with the open notion of diaspora, as to production of creative differences, in the imagined space by Paul Gilroy (2001) that called as "Black Atlantic".

Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att få en bild av yezidiernas religion och deras liv i exil. Hur yezidier ser på sin identitet och möjlighet att utöva sin religion i Sverige. I uppsatsen finns en kort forskningsöversikt av de centrala delarna i yezidismen. För att få svar på mina frågor har jag använt kvalitativ intervju som metod. Undersökningen är gjord i form av djupintervjuer med yezidier bosatta i Hässleholms kommun. Med hjälp av intervjuerna har jag tittat närmare på deras religiösa traditioner, tankar om andra religioner, regler och hur de upplever det är att leva som yezid i Sverige. Innehållet i intervjuerna har jag sedan kopplat till aktuell diasporaforskning och tidigare studier av yezidier i diaspora.