Many contemporary classical scholars, such as Benjamin Isaac and Denise McCoskey, frame the ancient Athenian attitudes toward their slaves as akin to or the same as White American racism. In this thesis, I argue that Athenian literary representations of slaves, in comparative perspective, are actually only superficially similar to those constructed in White American literature. I survey ancient Greek comedy and tragedy’s representations of slaves and demonstrate that the genres’ slave stereotypes recognise that slaves share with citizens a common humanity. I survey White American literature from the antebellum and Jim Crow eras, and I establish that its stereotyping of Black slaves and freedmen dehumanises them through the construction of racial difference. I argue that this crucial difference between Athenian and White American representations of slaves indicates that the Athenian city-state’s social system did not feature racism as it is articulated by critical race theorists Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Joe Feagin. / Graduate / 0294 / 0591 / 0579 / gbutler@uvic.ca

Ce travail traite la problématique des séquelles l’esclavage dans le contexte mauricien. Depuis les premiers mois de l’indépendance en mars 1968 jusqu'à nos jours, il y a eu un mouvement militant en faveur des descendants d’esclaves. Le crime de l’esclavage a laissé des préjudices et dommages sont encore visibles dans la République de l’Île Maurice. Ce travail contient deux objectifs. D’abord il démontre que le cas mauricien peut servir de modèle de comparaison où l’esclavage a été pratiqué car il y a eu plusieurs réalisations rendant possibles la réparation pour crime de l’esclavage. Ces réalisations mauriciennes sont les suivantes : • Un jour férié est décrété pour commémorer l’abolition de l’esclavage chaque 1er février ; • Une Commission Vérité et Justice a été instituée en 2009 pour faire un constat de l’héritage laissé par le système esclavagiste et l’engagisme jusqu'à ce jour. En novembre 2011, la Commission a soumis un rapport de 4 volumes confirmant que les descendants d’esclaves subissent encore les préjudices et dommages causés par le système de l’esclavage dans la République de l’Île Maurice. La Commission a fait état de plusieurs secteurs démontrant effectivement que l’héritage esclavagiste est toujours d’actualité. De plus la Commission a émis 290 recommandations pour pallier ces préjudices et dommages. • L’assemblée nationale mauricienne en 2003 a voté une motion privée décrétant l’esclavage et l’engagisme comme crimes contre l’humanité. • En 2008, la montagne du Morne lieu de refuge des esclaves marrons a été inscrit comme paysage culturel par le Nations Unies. Le deuxième objectif est de faire des propositions pour pouvoir réparer les préjudices et dommages causés par le système de l’esclavage. La réparation est possible dans la mesure qu’elle n’a pas une application uniquement légale. / This research deals with the issue of the consequences of the crime slavery in the Mauritian context. Since the first months of independence in March 1968 to date, there has been a movement seeking reparations for the descendants of slaves as its aftermath of slavery is still visible. This work contains two objectives. First, it shows that the case of Mauritius can serve as a model of comparison where slavery was practised because there have been several achievements making possible reparation for the crime of slavery. These Mauritian achievements are as follows: • A public holiday is decreed to commemorate the abolition of slavery every February 1st; • A Truth and Justice Commission was instituted in 2009 to confirm the legacy left by the slave system and its impact to date. In November 2011, the Commission submitted a 4-volume report confirming that the descendants of slaves still suffer the damage caused by the slavery system in the Republic of Mauritius. The Commission has reported several areas that effectively demonstrate that the slave system legacy is still relevant. In addition, the Commission issued 290 recommendations to mitigate these damages. • The Mauritian National Assembly in 2003 passed a private motion declaring slavery and committing as crimes against humanity. • In 2008, Morne Mountain, a place of refuge for escaped slaves, was inscribed as a cultural landscape by the United Nations. The second objective is to make proposals to repair the damage caused by the system of slavery. Reparation is possible as it does not only involve legal implications.

This dissertation examines a technologically specialized officialdom of Manchu called bondservants (or booi) that thrived in the eighteenth century. Through a case study of Tang Ying (1682--1756), a supervisor of the Imperial Porcelain Manufacture and a prolific playwright, I demonstrate the formation of what I call a "technocratic epistemology" across disparate fields of technical, artistic, and literary production. One of my key arguments is that bondservants differed from traditional Han scholar-officials in their practical approach to technological knowledge and their expanded literary representation of intercultural experiences in the multiethnic empire. Both contributed to the practice of statecraft that is modern in nature. In research questions and method, this project lies at the intersection of the history of technology, literature, and material culture. Tang Ying's case not only provides a vintage point for observing a technocrat's lineage, training, and career path, it also allows us to view the Qing empire from such previously little-studied vantage points as manufacture, technical knowledge, and fiscal management. This case study adopts a mobile perspective, following Tang's multiple journeys across the empire, often traversing social and ethnic boundaries. By closely analyzing Tang Ying's technical treatises, literary compositions and extant porcelains, I show a two-fold principle governing three aspects of technocratic cultural production. First, Tang Ying's illustrated treatise shows how bondservants appropriated non-textual knowledge of craftsmen and merchants into statecraft by means of writing and images. Second, Tang Ying's development of porcelain technology showcases how technocrats experimented with knowledge encoded in texts, images and tools. Third, documentary and experimental imperatives governed the literary and artistic compositions of bondservants. For Tang Ying, to document meant not only to record information but also to compartmentalize, to count, and to order information systematically. This dissertation sheds light on the central institutionalization of practical expertise in the expanding multiethnic empire of China. Trained for the projects of empire building, bondservants integrated the skills and practices of scholar-officials, artisans and merchants to give birth to a technocratic culture.

This dissertation examines the relationship between race and bodily health in the British West Indies and the Carolina/Georgia Lowcountry from the late seventeenth through the early nineteenth century. In the eighteenth century, planters often justified African slavery by claiming that Africans, unlike Europeans, had bodies particularly suited to labor in warm climates. Historians have tended to take these claims as evidence of a growing sense of biological race in plantation societies. Much of this work, though, relies on published sources. This dissertation examines these public sources, including medical manuals, natural histories, and political pamphlets, alongside private sources, particularly the personal correspondence of planters and slaveholders to uncover a different story of race and slavery. These two source types reveal significant discrepancies between planters’ public rhetoric and private beliefs about health, race, and the environment in plantation societies. First, correspondence between the Greater Caribbean and Britain demonstrates that health and disease did not contribute to the development of racial slavery in the Atlantic. Second, these sources show how and why planters manipulated public conceptions of climate and health to justify and maintain a system of racial slavery. Planters insisted on climate-based arguments for slavery in spite of their experiences in the Americas, rather than because of them. Slaveholders contributed to the construction of a biological concept of race by making arguments about health differences between Africans and Europeans that they neither experienced nor believed. Nevertheless, their arguments entered the public record and consciousness, and the resultant development of racial thinking had profound consequences that continue to the present day. This dissertation demonstrates the critical importance of the environment to the history of race.

Indigenous resistance made Caribbean colonization a slow and violent process in the period of 1580-1690. The Caribbean Indians who rejected colonization became targets for enslavement. Slavers captured indigenous people in raids or through trade within indigenous-dominated territories. I conceptualize this space as "Caribana." Geographically, it stretched from Guiana northward throughout islands of the Lesser Antilles. I focus on the Indigenous captives from Caribana who were enslaved in English and Dutch colonies, namely Barbados, Curaçao, and Suriname. I show how colonists justified enslaving indigenous people in the same manner as they justified the trans-Atlantic African slave trade, despite widespread taboos against the former practice and not the latter. These taboos did not prevent Indian slavery, but they influenced the creation of seventeenth-century histories, government reports, and other material for public and European consumption. Indian slavery has thus been written about, then and now, as a limited phenomenon wherein Indians had limited and specific labor roles (i.e. as fishermen or domestic servants). However, sources such as deeds and tax-rolls show that more Indian slaves than assumed contributed a broad range of skills to plantations economies. English Barbados was exceptionally successful because it was geographically separated from the conflicts that created captives in Caribana, but nevertheless extracted Indian slaves from the region. Meanwhile, colonies abutting Caribana, such as Suriname, faced trade sanctions from neighboring Indians and rebellions if they abused the Indian slave trade. From the 1670s-1690s, Colonial governments limited the means of accessing Indian slaves, but once enslaved, they faced the same restrictive "black codes" that allowed the brutal treatment of them as inheritable chattel.

My dissertation explores the minimizing, and often dismissal, of the evangelical conservative tradition of African-American Christianity within African-American studies. I argue that the primary cause of this development derives from the hermeneutics and methodologies employed by contemporary Black theologians and “Afrocentric-liberationist” scholars. Generally, these hermeneutics and methodologies were originally proposed by secular Black Nationalist and Black Power advocates during the Civil Rights Movement. This is seen in three areas: First, there is an interpretation of “Whiteness,” or European-Americans as completely corrupt and unredeemable. Second, there are calls for “Blackness,” or African-Americans to racially and socially segregate from Whiteness. Last, there are concepts of an “Ideal-Blackness,” a renewed or transformed Blackness created independently from Whiteness. These and other principles were employed by many contemporary Black scholars to various degrees. Furthermore, I argue that these principles sustain influential Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies, and shape the dominant trends within the discipline. I maintain that there are two conflicting traditions within African American culture: the religious tradition of conservative evangelicalism that was established during colonialism, and the secularist tradition of Black Nationalism and Black Power which originated during the civil rights movement. These traditions opposed one another during the civil rights movement. Later, this conflict was grafted into the academy, where it continues through the scholarship of many Black theologians and Afrocentric-liberationist scholars. Finally, I discuss the theology of Jupiter Hammon, an 18th century Christian slave, as a representative of the conservative tradition of African American Christianity. I argue that it is essential that scholars explore Hammon's theology, and the conservative tradition of African-American Christianity during colonialism, for a variety of reasons: first, it is important to understand this tradition, as it has shaped African-American Christianity and the Black church more than any other; second, exploring the conservative tradition during colonialism provides the constructive theologies, and alternative conservative historiographies, that complement the Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies advocated by many contemporary Black scholars.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Leipzig--Universität, 1963. Titre de soutenance : Die Ortsnamen der Kreise Glauchau, Hohenstein-Ernstthal und Stollberg. / Bibliogr. p. 259-283.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2009. / Thesis directed by Jon T. Coleman for the Department of History. "June 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 277-300).

Habilitationsschrift--Bochum, 1977. / Bibliogr. p. 170-178.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fachbereich Ost- und aussereuropäische Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaften--Frankfurt am Main--Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, 1989.