Esta tese realiza um estudo comparado dos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais, de âmbito nacional, da Espanha e do Brasil. Dentre as questões propostas para a análise estão: por que surgem tais Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil e por que assumem tal ou qual formato institucional? O que essas duas experiências têm em comum, em que diferem, e o que explicaria diferenças e semelhanças entre elas? Como tem se dado a participação e a representação no âmbito destes Conselhos? E qual tem sido o “produto” (output) das atividades desenvolvidas pelos Conselhos? Duas hipóteses orientam a pesquisa: a primeira delas afirma que “os Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais são instituições criadas como complemento às instituições clássicas da democracia representativa liberal, com o objetivo de respaldar as ações dos governos e/ou dos Estados, atribuindo-lhes maior grau de legitimidade, em momentos que acarretam a necessidade de profundas mudanças econômicas, sociais e/ou políticas, exigindo a adoção de reformas estruturais em dadas sociedades”; e a segunda, que “as características ou as especificidades do contexto que lhes deu origem constituem fator determinante do formato institucional que assumem tais Conselhos na sua estrutura e organização, determinando também o tipo de „produto‟ que emana como resultado do trabalho desenvolvido por eles”. A pesquisa investigou o contexto de criação desses Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil, sua natureza consultiva, estrutura, composição, dinâmica de funcionamento e os papéis desempenhados por eles ao longo de determinados períodos (Espanha 1992-2007; Brasil 2003-2010). Os resultados, em linhas gerais, permitem confirmar as hipóteses de trabalho, revelando a importância dos contextos específicos na configuração e na dinâmica de funcionamento dessas instituições. Os dados permitem ainda avançar sobre a efetividade desses Conselhos, identificando alta capacidade dos mesmos na consecução de proposições junto aos governos e sua colaboração na formulação das políticas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos respectivos países. / This Thesis performs a compared study of the Social and Economic boards in the national sphere, of Spain and Brazil. Among the questions proposed to the analysis there are: Why emerge such boards in Spain and in Brazil and why they assume this format or which institutional format is that? How does happen the participation and representation on those boards? Which has been the output of those activities developed by the boards? Two hypothesis guide this research: The first one, settle that “ the economic and social boards are institution created, as additions to the classical institutions of liberal representative democracy, with the goal of support the actions of the government and/or the State, attach to them a greater length of legitimacy, in moments that result in the necessity of deeply economic, social and/or political changes demanding the adoption of structural reforms in some societies” and the second one is “ the characteristics or the specificity of the context which gave birth to them, make a determinant factor in the institutional format that those boards assume in their structure and organization, determining as well the type of the „product‟ that came as a result of the work developed by them. The research investigated the context of creation of those boards in Spain and Brazil, the advisory being of themselves, the structure, the making, the working dynamics and the role developed by them over certain periods [Spain 1992-2007; Brazil 2003-2010].The results, in general, it is allowed to confirm the hypothesis of the work reveling the importance of those specifics contexts in the configuration and the dynamics on the effectiveness of those boards, identifying the high capacity of them in the execution of the prepositions by the government and its collaboration to the formulation of politics of the economic and social development in the respective countries.

Esta tese realiza um estudo comparado dos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais, de âmbito nacional, da Espanha e do Brasil. Dentre as questões propostas para a análise estão: por que surgem tais Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil e por que assumem tal ou qual formato institucional? O que essas duas experiências têm em comum, em que diferem, e o que explicaria diferenças e semelhanças entre elas? Como tem se dado a participação e a representação no âmbito destes Conselhos? E qual tem sido o “produto” (output) das atividades desenvolvidas pelos Conselhos? Duas hipóteses orientam a pesquisa: a primeira delas afirma que “os Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais são instituições criadas como complemento às instituições clássicas da democracia representativa liberal, com o objetivo de respaldar as ações dos governos e/ou dos Estados, atribuindo-lhes maior grau de legitimidade, em momentos que acarretam a necessidade de profundas mudanças econômicas, sociais e/ou políticas, exigindo a adoção de reformas estruturais em dadas sociedades”; e a segunda, que “as características ou as especificidades do contexto que lhes deu origem constituem fator determinante do formato institucional que assumem tais Conselhos na sua estrutura e organização, determinando também o tipo de „produto‟ que emana como resultado do trabalho desenvolvido por eles”. A pesquisa investigou o contexto de criação desses Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil, sua natureza consultiva, estrutura, composição, dinâmica de funcionamento e os papéis desempenhados por eles ao longo de determinados períodos (Espanha 1992-2007; Brasil 2003-2010). Os resultados, em linhas gerais, permitem confirmar as hipóteses de trabalho, revelando a importância dos contextos específicos na configuração e na dinâmica de funcionamento dessas instituições. Os dados permitem ainda avançar sobre a efetividade desses Conselhos, identificando alta capacidade dos mesmos na consecução de proposições junto aos governos e sua colaboração na formulação das políticas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos respectivos países. / This Thesis performs a compared study of the Social and Economic boards in the national sphere, of Spain and Brazil. Among the questions proposed to the analysis there are: Why emerge such boards in Spain and in Brazil and why they assume this format or which institutional format is that? How does happen the participation and representation on those boards? Which has been the output of those activities developed by the boards? Two hypothesis guide this research: The first one, settle that “ the economic and social boards are institution created, as additions to the classical institutions of liberal representative democracy, with the goal of support the actions of the government and/or the State, attach to them a greater length of legitimacy, in moments that result in the necessity of deeply economic, social and/or political changes demanding the adoption of structural reforms in some societies” and the second one is “ the characteristics or the specificity of the context which gave birth to them, make a determinant factor in the institutional format that those boards assume in their structure and organization, determining as well the type of the „product‟ that came as a result of the work developed by them. The research investigated the context of creation of those boards in Spain and Brazil, the advisory being of themselves, the structure, the making, the working dynamics and the role developed by them over certain periods [Spain 1992-2007; Brazil 2003-2010].The results, in general, it is allowed to confirm the hypothesis of the work reveling the importance of those specifics contexts in the configuration and the dynamics on the effectiveness of those boards, identifying the high capacity of them in the execution of the prepositions by the government and its collaboration to the formulation of politics of the economic and social development in the respective countries.

Esta tese realiza um estudo comparado dos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais, de âmbito nacional, da Espanha e do Brasil. Dentre as questões propostas para a análise estão: por que surgem tais Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil e por que assumem tal ou qual formato institucional? O que essas duas experiências têm em comum, em que diferem, e o que explicaria diferenças e semelhanças entre elas? Como tem se dado a participação e a representação no âmbito destes Conselhos? E qual tem sido o “produto” (output) das atividades desenvolvidas pelos Conselhos? Duas hipóteses orientam a pesquisa: a primeira delas afirma que “os Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais são instituições criadas como complemento às instituições clássicas da democracia representativa liberal, com o objetivo de respaldar as ações dos governos e/ou dos Estados, atribuindo-lhes maior grau de legitimidade, em momentos que acarretam a necessidade de profundas mudanças econômicas, sociais e/ou políticas, exigindo a adoção de reformas estruturais em dadas sociedades”; e a segunda, que “as características ou as especificidades do contexto que lhes deu origem constituem fator determinante do formato institucional que assumem tais Conselhos na sua estrutura e organização, determinando também o tipo de „produto‟ que emana como resultado do trabalho desenvolvido por eles”. A pesquisa investigou o contexto de criação desses Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil, sua natureza consultiva, estrutura, composição, dinâmica de funcionamento e os papéis desempenhados por eles ao longo de determinados períodos (Espanha 1992-2007; Brasil 2003-2010). Os resultados, em linhas gerais, permitem confirmar as hipóteses de trabalho, revelando a importância dos contextos específicos na configuração e na dinâmica de funcionamento dessas instituições. Os dados permitem ainda avançar sobre a efetividade desses Conselhos, identificando alta capacidade dos mesmos na consecução de proposições junto aos governos e sua colaboração na formulação das políticas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos respectivos países. / This Thesis performs a compared study of the Social and Economic boards in the national sphere, of Spain and Brazil. Among the questions proposed to the analysis there are: Why emerge such boards in Spain and in Brazil and why they assume this format or which institutional format is that? How does happen the participation and representation on those boards? Which has been the output of those activities developed by the boards? Two hypothesis guide this research: The first one, settle that “ the economic and social boards are institution created, as additions to the classical institutions of liberal representative democracy, with the goal of support the actions of the government and/or the State, attach to them a greater length of legitimacy, in moments that result in the necessity of deeply economic, social and/or political changes demanding the adoption of structural reforms in some societies” and the second one is “ the characteristics or the specificity of the context which gave birth to them, make a determinant factor in the institutional format that those boards assume in their structure and organization, determining as well the type of the „product‟ that came as a result of the work developed by them. The research investigated the context of creation of those boards in Spain and Brazil, the advisory being of themselves, the structure, the making, the working dynamics and the role developed by them over certain periods [Spain 1992-2007; Brazil 2003-2010].The results, in general, it is allowed to confirm the hypothesis of the work reveling the importance of those specifics contexts in the configuration and the dynamics on the effectiveness of those boards, identifying the high capacity of them in the execution of the prepositions by the government and its collaboration to the formulation of politics of the economic and social development in the respective countries.

The aim of this work is to describe the quality of social dialogue in local government in the area of Czech Republic, to find out if there is, in the presence of trade union in the local government institutions, a positive influence on civil servants working for local authorities and if the impacts on austerity measures realized are reduced. For this purpose, it is important to give a detailed description of a position and function that the local government in the public sector in the Czech Republic has and to clarify a position of civil servants working for local authorities. In this work, there is also described the system of social dialog and there are analyzed the social dialog institutions with the aim of the local government. In order to find out the trade union influence over the public servants working for local authorities satisfaction, it is carried out a survey at all levels of local government. It is found a little influence on the satisfaction that the trade unions have, resulting from a relatively poor labor union organized character. This situation is, in connection with austerity measures, one cause of the social dialog in the public sector ineffectiveness.

Embodied conversational agents put a “human” touch on intelligent tutoring systems by using conversation to support learning. When considering instruction in interpersonal domains, such as intercultural negotiation, the development of an interpersonal relationship with one’s pedagogical agent may play a significant role in learning. However, there is conflicting evidence in the literature both regarding the ability of agents to cultivate social relationships with humans, and their effect on learning. In this dissertation, I present a model of social dialog designed to affect learners’ interpersonal relations with virtual agents, a development process for creating social dialog, and empirical studies showing that this dialog has significant effects on learners’ perceptions of the agents and negotiation performance. In early work, I explicitly prompted learners to have social goals for the interaction. I found that while students who reported social goals for interacting with the agents had significantly higher learning gains, explicit prompting was not effective at inducing these goals. I thus focused on implicit influence of learner goals, developing a model of social instructional dialog (SID) that integrates conversational strategies that are theorized to produce interpersonal effects on relationships. In two subsequent studies, an agent with the SID model engendered greater feelings of entitativity, shared perspective, and trust, suggesting that the model improved learner social relationships with the agent. Importantly, these effects transferred to other agents encountered later in the environment. The social dialog condition also made fewer errors and achieved more negotiation objectives in a subsequent negotiation than a control group, evidence that the improved social relationship lead to better negotiation performance. These findings regarding interpersonal relationships with agents contribute to the literature on learner-agent interactions, and can guide the future development of agents in social environments.

The objective of this article is to analyze the reason why Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) policies in Peru focus on issues related to the community and the environment, neglecting labor issues. CSR labor programs are those who aim to offer a «productive and decent work, under conditions of freedom, equality, safety and human dignity». After an exhaustive review of the theoretical literature and the analysis of CSR policies in Peru, we believe that the reason for the low interest on CSR labor policies is the lack of demand from society for such policies. We state the existence of a social necessities hierarchy where, due to the poverty level and the weakness of our institutional system, labor rights are considered a luxury good. In this context, the interest on poverty and environmental issues, even if it has an internal component, is also associated to the demand from developed countries and multinational firms. We can say the same thing about today’s debate about labor rights and free trade agreements. / El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la razón por la cual en el Perú los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial (RSE) se orientan fundamentalmente a temas relacionados con la comunidad y el medio ambiente, y dan menos atención al tema laboral. Entendemos como RSE en el ámbito laboral a las acciones de las empresas orientadas a ofrecer «un trabajo decente y productivo, en condiciones de libertad, igualdad, seguridad y dignidad humana». Luego de una revisión exhaustiva de la literatura teórica sobre el tema, y un análisis de las políticas de RSE en el Perú, postulamos que la razón del poco interés por políticas de RSE en el ámbito laboral se debe a la falta de demanda de la sociedad por dichas políticas. Planteamos la existencia de una jerarquía de necesidades sociales, en la que, debido a la debilidad de nuestro sistema institucional y al nivel de pobreza, los derechos laborales son considerados como un bien de lujo. En este contexto, el interés por los temas de pobreza y medio ambiente, si bien tiene un componente interno, estaría también asociado a la demanda de los países desarrollados a través de las empresas multinacionales. Lo mismo podemos decir con respecto al debate actual sobre el respeto a los derechos laborales en las empresas y los tratados de libre comercio.

En 1989, la proclamation de l'indépendance de la République de Moldavie allait de pair avec les nouvelles lois linguistiques adoptées par le Parlement. L'institualisation de la dénomination de la langue officielle, « langue moldave » (Constitution 1994), rencontra une ferme opposition de la part des intellectuels qui approuvaient la nature linguistique identique du moldave et du roumain. Le glottonyme moldave renvoyait à la période soviétique de la promotion d'une « langue moldave » distincte du roumain, procédé aujourd'hui qualifié d'expérimentation linguistique ayant échouée. À présent, l’aménagement linguistique de la langue d’État exige de la part de la société moldave la recherche des réponses adaptées, en surmontant les contradictions de certaines représentations héritées du passé. La régulation des rapports entre les nouveaux États indépendants issus de l’ex-Union Soviétique connaît, elle aussi, une évolution. Cette évolution conduit à l’installation d’une nouvelle dynamique dans le rapport de différents groupes linguistiques à la langue d’État où ils résident. Nous allons observer comment se produit concrètement la reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État (officielle). Quel est le cheminement dans l’aménagement linguistique de la République de Moldavie depuis son indépendance ? Qu’est-ce qui se passe dans l’espace symbolique et imaginaire d’un processus de reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État ? Nous observerons la place de la langue d’État de la République de Moldavie dans la société à travers son status et les éléments constitutifs : la règlementation linguistique et les institutions de l’aménagement linguistique, les politiques linguistiques et éducatives, les forces sociolinguistiques en présence (et notamment les représentations qui sont assignées aux langues, etc.). Nous observerons son aménagement normatif, lexical, terminologique, graphique, etc., le rapport au roumain standard. / In 1989 the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Moldova came along new linguistic laws adopted by the Parliament. The institutionalization of the denomination of the official language, Moldavian language (Constitution of 1994), encountered a strong opposition from the intellectuals, who had approved the identical linguistic nature of the Romanian and Moldavian languages. The Moldavian glottonym refers to the Soviet period of the promotion of the Moldavian language distinct from the Romanian language; a conduct today qualified of political manipulation and failed linguistic experiment. From now on the linguistic planning of the State language requires the Moldavian society to look for adapted solutions, by overcoming some contradictions inherited from the past. Regulation of the relationships between the new independent States originated from the ex-Soviet Union is evolving as well. This evolution leads to the installation of a new relationship dynamic between the different ethnic groups and the language of the State they reside in. We will observe how a language is tangibly recognized as a State language (official). Which pathway followed linguistic planning in Republic of Moldova since its independence? What happens in the symbolic and imaginary space of a State language recognition process? We will observe the position of the State language in the Republic of Moldova in the society through its status and constitutive elements: linguistic reglementation and institutions of linguistic planning, linguistic and educational policies, present sociolinguistic forces (and notably the representations that are assigned to languages, etc.). We will observe its normative, lexical, terminological, graphical, etc. relationship to the standard Romanian.