Travaillant depuis des années sur Victor GELU, notamment en mastère, à l’Université Paul-Valéry de MONTPELLIER, sachant qu’un travail de transcription des Correspondances de l’écrivain marseillais démarrait, j’ai choisi de combler le vide que représentait l’absence d’une transcription suivie des Notes biographiques de Victor GELU. En effet, n’en était disponible qu’un recueil de morceaux choisis arbitrairement, inutilisable pour la recherche. J’ai transcrit à peu près la moitié des Notes, 1806-1841, m’autorisant à poursuivre la suite 1841-1857 en 2010-2011. Au fur et à mesure de ma transcription un problème émergeait, l’apparition d’une image de Victor GELU différente de celle qu’avait pu me fournir mon travail de mastère (avec l’analyse systématique des thématiques dans l’oeuvre de Victor GELU, MONTPELLIER 2004). Cette image ne correspondait pas non plus à celle fournie par un autre travail en train de s’effectuer à l’Université Paul-Valéry (Victor GELU transcription des correspondances, thèse Odile DELMAS). La problématique de ma recherche s’est donc imposée : quelle image de lui bâtit Victor GELU, en 1857-58, dans les Notes biographiques, ouvrage destiné à parution. Sachant que Victor GELU sort juste de démêlés avec la censure pour la deuxième édition de ses Chansons (1856) et que 1857 est l’année des procès de Madame Bovary, des Fleurs du Mal, des Mystères du Peuple, dans quelle mesure l’image forgée de lui, en 1857, par les Notes biographiques correspond-elle à la réalité ? / This thesis deals with Victor Gelu's Bibliographical Notes (1806-1857).

Dans l’oeuvre provençale de Victor GELU, thématiques politique, sociale et philosophique écrasent statistiquement les autres thématiques par leur présence. C’était une des conclusions de deux mémoires soutenus en 2004 à l’Université Paul Valéry, l’un par moi-même, l’autre par Monsieur CHATAIN. Mais si les trois serrures étaient bien là il manquait une clef. Les thématiques politique et sociale se positionnaient à gauche. Les références exactes de la thématique philosophique ne voulaient pas se préciser. Avant de se préoccuper d’interpréter le sens de l’oeuvre il eût mieux valu savoir qui était l’homme. Les pensées politique, sociale et philosophiques de Victor GELU, une opportunité s’offrait d’essayer de les reconstituer avec le fonds de 430 lettres de 1843 à 1885. Comment exploiter ce gisement ? Certainement pas en croyant l’épistolier qui faisait preuve d’une grande prudence. La solution était de faire parler ses correspondants. Une notice biographique de chacun fut faite en y portant ses engagements politiques, sociaux et philosophiques. Le regroupement des notices a permis de constituer cinq ensembles de destinataires au fil de la vie de l’écrivain marseillais. La confrontation des cinq ensembles a permis de dessiner un correspondant type qui, en creux, constitue le portrait reconstruit de Victor GELU, un homme aux idées républicaines, souvent socialisantes (pas dans un sens marxiste étroit du terme) et, de sa jeunesse à la fin de sa vie, aux préoccupations maçonniques. / This dissertation contains the critical edition of some 430 letters, written by Victor Gelu between 1843 and 1885. The author studies mainly the typology of the recipients.

The Social Democratic MEP mandate performance has certain specific features which distinguish it from mandates of members of other EP fractions. The theoretical part of this thesis focuses on the historical context of European Social Democracy and challenges which it must currently face (euroscepticism, consequences of economic crisis etc.). Furthermore, it considers the role of the Party of European Socialists the whole process. The practical part of this thesis consists of guided interviews with EP Members for ČSSD and SMER - sociálna democracia. The aim of this thesis is to assess the degree of European Social Democracy's Europeanization and differences in national and European aspects of the character of Social Democratic MEP mandate.

In November 2020, The European Commission came out with a fact sheet regarding their LGBTI- equality strategy for 2020-2025. This strategy mentions the goal to fight discrimination against LGBTI-people, build a society that includes LGBTI-people, and more. Even if countries are members of the European Union, it is not a guarantee that they embrace every opinion that the European Union have. The same goes for political party groups. There are many aspects in LGBT politics that can vary among the party groups. Everything from which letters should be used, to what the European Union should meddle in and not. The purpose of this thesis is to study the ideological elements that can be found in the European People's Party (EPP), Socialists & Democrats (S&D) and The European Commission concerning their political views on LGBT, then compare the differences and similarities found in the analysis. This is carried out by using different ideologies characteristics and keywords to analyse the material from the different party groups and the equality strategy. The conclusion is that The European Commission's equality strategy has elements from several ideologies, but liberalism and social democracy are the ideologies that are mainly present in the material. In the material representing The European People’s Party, there are only ideological elements present from conservatism/christian democracy, while in the Socialist and Democrats one can find ideological elements from social democracy and socialism. The party groups and the equality strategy had similar opinions about discrimination but had different opinions about how much The European Union should meddle in other member countries laws and if they should be punished.

Between 1820 and 1840, there arose in England a small school of economic thought, intensely anti-capitalistic, known as the Ricardian socialists. Their basic idea was the laborers' right to their whole product. One somewhat obscure member of this group was Piercy Ravenstone who wrote A Few Doubts on the Subjects of Population and Political Economy in 1821 and Thoughts on the Funding System and Its Effects in 1824. In this thesis, I have put forth Ravenstone's system in detail by thoroughly examining both of his works. His basic approach is to demolish the Malthusian population theory, putting in its place a theory which shows that exploitation through rent, taxes and profit is the cause of worker misery. Before examining Ravenstone's work, I have described the historical events which led to early socialist ideology and have given a general overview of Ricardian socialism and its connection with the more classical economics. Profiles of the 2 more well-known members of the school are given and thoughts of Karl Marx on the work of these men are briefly discussed. The conclusion reached is that Ravenstone was not a true socialist but rather was somewhat right-wing. Although he shared many socialist criticisms of capitalist society, he espoused a society of individual workers in both manufacturing and agriculture rather than Owenist establishments or communism. / Master of Arts

No description available.

Although Bakunin's 1842 article, "The Reaction in Germany," published in the organ of the Dresden Left Hegelians, Deutsche Jahrbucher, is generally held to be the most radical and eloquent manifesto of Left Hegelianism, the standard historical commentary tends to consider his pre-1842 Russian works as far removed from this revolutionary ideal. Most historians have long failed to discern the logical continuity in Mikhail Bakunin's thought before and after the "pivotal" date of 1840. Indeed, his intellectual development is usually dividied into two distinct, mutually exclusive periods. During the first period, pre-1840, Bakunin is presented as a conservative and a monarchist, dedicated to a spiritual and political compromise with the "rational reality of the Tsarist regime. After his arrival in Berlin in 1840, however, one is suddenly confronted with the political anarchist and instigator of world revolution. However, this abrupt dichotomy which appears in most historical commentaries dealing with Bakunin's writings and activities cannot be maintained. The hypothesis that there even occurred a break in the evolution of Bakunin's thought rests on a misinterpretation of his early Russian Hegelian works. / The goal of this study is to demonstrate that the concern with the practical application of philosophy into a political tool for revolutionary acton forms the central theme of Bakunin's early works; and to show that his Berlin period constitutes the logical continuation of his early theoretical position. In effect, the present study represents a revindication of the young Bakunin and attempts to prove that his Hegelianism was central to the formation of his radical position. At the same time, it situates Russian Left Hegelianism in the mainstream of European radicalism, by showing how the ideas developed by Bakunin were moving in a direction parallel to those of the Young Hegelian movement in Germany.

In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources. Chapter one explores Semple as an Australian New Zealander whose relationship with his homeland was a complex one, continually affected by issues such as time, place and political expediency. Chapter two considers Semple in the identity which was arguably the most radical in New Zealand historiography – the Socialist. Several facets of Semple’s socialism will be examined including militant socialism, from which his radical persona was formed, state socialism and practical socialism. To improve the lives of working people was Semple’s aim in life, so the third thematic chapter examines Semple’s role as a union organiser – this was a vehicle through which he pursued this aim. It was from this image that Semple’s public career was founded and then sustained. In the fourth chapter Semple, the Labour politician will be examined. Here his ultimate aim was to improve conditions for all New Zealanders and the several arenas in which Semple pursued this end included party activities, municipal politics and ministerial office. In these two chapters changes in Semple’s political perspectives can be seen as labour concerns became subservient to national concerns when he became part of the Labour government. Chapter five examines Semple as an anti-militarist which was the image where the greatest change in political perspective was evidenced. Semple, the anti-conscriptionist of one world war, drew the marble for the first conscription ballot in the next. These themes are not the only ones in Semple’s life but appear most consistently during his lifetime.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. [26-29]).