Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

So badly wounded that he had to be propped up in a chair to face the firing squad, James Connolly was executed by the British on May 10, 1916 in Dublin's infamous Kilmainham Jail. He had been one of the leaders of the abortive Easter 'Rising against English control of Ireland. This event in itself was sufficient to guarantee him a significant place in Irish history but Connolly had achieved prominence in other activities as well. Besides being a revolutionary nationalist he had been a Marxist and a labor leader, had founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party and had played a major role in the general strike in Dublin from August, 1913 through March, 1914. Altogether, it is not surprising that all the biographies of Connolly have concentrated on his role in Irish history and that little if any attention has been given to his significance in the history of American radicalism.

No description available.

The master thesis Periodical Press in the Kutná Hora Region during the period 1918 - 1948 focuses on the changes of the structure of periodical press in the Kutná Hora region in the specified time range. First, the definition of the Kutná Hora region with its demographic and geographic characteristics is provided. As the structure of the periodical press in the Kutná Hora region during the era of the First Republic was based on the situation before the First World War, the landscape of the media of the Kutná Hora region before 1918 is described. Kutná Hora region had been already rich in periodical press of political parties as well as the press of non-political organizations in that time and the same situation applies also for the interwar period. After the Munich agreement until the beginning of the occupation of Czechoslovakia the structure of the political press was changing at first and finally all the periodicals of political parties ceased to exist. By the march 1943, also the press of the non-political organization disappeared. In 1945 the richness of the prewar periodical press situation was not renewed. Most of the political parties shifted their weekly newspapers away from the Kutná Hora region and the non-political organizations were not allowed to publish their magazine due to the lack of...

Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Jung, Christian: Aus meinem Leben - Dichtung und Wahrheit--Heidelberg, 2006.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

No description available.

Nach der nationalsozialistischen Machtübernahme im Jahre 1933 wurde schon bald klar, dass es an der 1810 gegründeten Friedrich – Wilhelm – Universität zu Berlin, der größten deutschen Universität, zu einem Umbruch in der finanziellen und materiellen Ausstattung kommen würde. Bereits für das Rechnungsjahr 1934 wurde der Universität durch Erlass des Preußischen Ministers für Wissenschaft das Recht zur Aufstellung des jährlichen Haushaltsplanes entzogen. Damit war die Übernahme ihrer Einnahmen auf den Preußischen Staatshaushalt verbunden. Die Ausgabemittel für die Universität wurden nun im Staatshaushalt bereitgestellt. An die Stelle des Universitätshaushaltsplanes traten Kassenanschläge der Wissenschaftsverwaltung, in welchen den Fakultäten und Instituten die jährlichen Etatmittel zugewiesen wurden. Der staatliche Verwaltungsdirektor/Kurator überwachte deren Ausführung; denn ihm oblag die Aufsicht über das Haushalts- und Kassenwesen der Universität. Die Gründung der fünften und sechsten Fakultät sowie die Errichtung neuer (NS-) Institute wurde allein durch das Wissenschaftsministerium – weitgehend ohne Beteiligung der Universitätsleitung - entschieden. In der Folge stiegen die Etatmittel für das wissenschaftliche Personal exorbitant. - Die Betriebsmittel- und Geschäftsbedürfnisfonds der wissenschaftlichen Anstalten stagnierten auf dem Niveau der Jahre 1933/34. Investitionen in das Universitätsvermögen mussten hinter anderen für kriegswichtig erachteten Ausgaben des Deutschen Reiches zurückstehen. Selbst für die Behebung der Luftkriegsschäden an den Universitätsgebäuden standen Geldmittel nur in eingeschränktem Umfang zur Verfügung. Zudem verhinderte der eklatante Rohstoffmangel den Wiederaufbau. Bei Kriegsende 1945 war die Friedrich – Wilhelm – Universität zu Berlin in Trümmer gefallen. / After the national socialists came into power in 1933 it soon became clear, that financial and material changes were supposed to happen to the 1810 founded Friedrich-Wilhelms-University of Berlin, Germany´s largest university by that time. Already for the financial year of 1934 the Prussian Ministry of Science revoked the right of the university, to put together the annual financial budget. Thus, its earnings were now being taken over by the Prussian state budget and its expenses allocated by the state budget. Instead of a university budget the state administration allocates a certain amount of money for the faculties and institutions. The State Director of Administration / Curator supervised their execution; because he was the one responsible for overseeing the budget and cash management of the university. The foundation of the fifth and sixth faculty as well as the construction of new National Socialists („NS“) Institutes was decided solely by the Ministry of Science – largely without the participation of the management of the university. As a consequence, the budget funds for scientific personnel increased exorbitantly. Operating funds and funds for business needs of the scientific institutions stagnated at the level of 1933 / 1934. Investments into the assets of the university had to stay back behind war expenditures that were deemed essential of the German Reich. Even for the elimination of the air warfare damages at the buildungs of the university funds were allocated only to a very limited extent. In addition, the glaring lack of raw materials made the reconstruction almost impossible. When the war ended in 1945 only ruins were left of the Friedrich – Wilhelms – University of Berlin.