This study explores the differences (and similarities) between sentencing reform and the legal practices of criminal defence lawyers. This research specifically focuses on Section 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code, which is aimed at reducing the use of imprisonment for Aboriginal offenders and the application of the section in the Supreme Court’s 1999 decision R .v. Gladue. It investigates whether or not the section and/or Gladue has affected the legal practices of criminal defence lawyers and if so, how. The practice of lawyers, in this study, is conceptualized as structured action. The agency of lawyers is thus constrained and enabled by both macro and micro processes. These include traditional legal ideology, managerial/organizational ideology, presuppositions surrounding Aboriginality as well as the broader socio-political context of neo-liberalism and neo-conservativism. How the practices of defence lawyers either reflect or contradict the section and Gladue is examined through the oral narratives of lawyers—obtained through in-depth semi-structured interviews with twelve defence lawyers. The findings of this analysis show that the vast majority of lawyers were not integrating the section or Gladue in their defence strategies. This suggests that efforts to remedy the issue of Aboriginal over-incarceration need to be aware of the complexity of criminal justice processes, the agency of lawyers and the broader social and political context.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how power is distributed in the mathematics classroom and how students achieve agency when ICT (Information and communication technology) is used as a teaching tool. Three learning situations, structured by mathematics, are analysed: in the first situation mathematics is taught in a traditional way, in the second mathematics is taught in interdisciplinary projects, and in the third mathematics is taught using ICT as a pedagogical tool. The theoretical concepts of power and agency are used as analytical tools within a socio-political framework. The concept of power is used to assess the students’ ability to influence their learning and degree of inclusion in the three learning situations. The power aspect is assumed to influence the students’ ability to achieve agency. Based on an ecological understanding of the concept, agency is examined by assessing the quality of students’ engagement in the learning situations. Also, the degree to which the students are in control of their actions is assessed. Data was collected through participant observation, questionnaires and in-depth interviews. Linguistic text analysis was used as a tool to analyse the transcripts from the interviews. The results suggest that students can achieve agency in situations where ICT is used as a pedagogical tool to enable collaboration between students. However, ICT can also distract students, which in turn can limit their achievement of agency. Furthermore, it is suggested that the results may have implications for our understanding of the concepts of power and agency in relation to ICT in a wider social context beyond the classroom. Finally, it is proposed that the question of how the distribution of power and agency influence learning when ICT is used in the mathematics classroom should be subject to further research.

In less than ten years, Aljazeera television has become the most popular satellite news service in the Arab world. Regimes around the region have regarded Aljazeera as a threat, while Aljazeera has consistently claimed that it is simply reporting the truth. Notwithstanding this, Aljazeera has successfully established its presence in the media world despite the controversies surrounding its professional approach and the hammering criticism that has been directed to it in both the Middle East and the West. This research explores the thesis that Aljazeera is a catalyst of democratisation and social and political change in the Arab world. As a recent media phenomenon, Aljazeera has been playing a critical role in changing the social and political values of societies in the Arab world and viewers’ perceptions of a range of social and cultural topics relating to human rights, equality, diversity, gender, employment and exploitation. It is said that through its persistent campaigns to raise the awareness of its increasingly broadening viewer base to these issues, Aljazeera has created a new public sphere in the Arab countries that are traditionally and historically non-democratic in the least and despotic and dictatorial in the extreme. It became “[the] arena within which debate occurs...” (Hartley, 2002, p.191) between viewers who share in the process of discourse to communicate and debate. In this context Aljazeera provided a public forum for Arab viewers to express their views and address a range of sensitive and controversial issues. Consequently, it is the perception of democracy that Aljazeera seems to be fostering in the Arab world, which is leading to a sense of empowerment at the individual level. The research sought to examine this phenomenon through a field study that garnered vital data from a representative sample of 600 viewers of Aljazeera, including 100 media professionals, in four Arab countries: Egypt, Jordan, United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, and amongst the Arab diaspora (with the Australian Arabs as a focus group). The data was analysed against a media model that was developed specifically for that purpose. The findings support the research hypothesis that Aljazeera is a catalyst of democratisation and socio-political change.

In recent years, there has been a noticeable rise in the use of walking in artistic practice. Artists explore, map, narrate, draw, follow and procrastinate through the use of pedestrianism. This rise in an artistic output that uses the walking body has coincided with a burgeoning literature in this field; a literature that, I argue, has yet to find its feet, frequently repeating, and so depoliticising, the dominant narrative that casts walking as a strategy of resistance to the high-speed technological demands of late capitalism. Beyond its role as emancipatory gesture, I show, walking is enmeshed in histories of gender, labour, punishment, power and protest; something that a focus on the art of the 1960s and ‘70s can help to uncover. Accordingly, this thesis seeks to place the recent rise of ‘walking art’ in a specific historical context, positing that the uses of walking by artists today find the key to their legitimation in moving image and performance work of the 1960s and ‘70s. Through chapters on the work of the Judson Dance Theater (1962-7) and Trisha Brown (early 1970s), Bruce Nauman’s studio films and videos (1967-9) and Agnes Martin’s only film Gabriel (1976), I argue that these artists used walking not only to deconstruct the mediums out of which they worked (dance, sculpture, painting), but also to negotiate the wider socio-political issues of the era, from protest marching and the moon landings to much more clandestine concerns such as surveillance and controlled viewership. These chapters reveal a walking body as supported by technology, subject to self-discipline, and negotiating a new relationship with the natural world. A final chapter on Janet Cardiff’s audio walks, which she first developed in the late 1990s, makes explicit a feminist problematic, as I ask where the female body resides in a long history of male walkers, and explore the broader question of how we write the history of ‘walking art’. Via Cardiff, I reflect on the place of the 1960s and ‘70s in our historical imagination today, arguing for a more uneasy reading of the art of these decades than we have previously been used to.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to investigate the possibilities of the Internet to broaden the socio-political flows in a public space determined by the processes of globalization. Under the paradigm of the development of new technologies of information and communication, I aim the possibilities of the Internet as a device to enlarge the discurse about the micro-political as the World Social Fórum. I get this movement as a reference, because it talk about the micro-political that have as a aim to get visibility for the people interested about it and dialogue with civil society through alternative media, such as Internet. This makes the Internet as a socio-technical mechanism that allows the autonomy of discourse production by these socio-political actors, but also the relationship between spatial and temporal contexts different. Thus, characteristics such as flexibility and dialogism are addressed according to the readings produced the Internet as a media device that enables the flexible interweaving of different authorship, contrasting demonstrations and protests of all orders. Aspect which relates to the Internet as a mechanism to move sociotechnical fundamental socio-political flows within the global public debate. / Esse trabalho objetiva investigar as possibilidades da internet em ampliar os fluxos sociopolíticos em um espaço público condicionado pelos processos de globalização. Sob o paradigma do desenvolvimento das novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, privilegio as possibilidades da internet para as intervenções discursivas de micropolíticas como o Fórum Social Mundial. Obtenho esse movimento como referencial por se tratar de uma micropolítica que procura a visibilidade para seus interesses e diálogo com a sociedade por meio de mídias alternativas como a internet. Isso condiciona a internet como um mecanismo sociotécnico que permite a autonomia de produção discursiva por parte desses atores sociopolíticos, como também, a relação entre contextos espaço-temporais distintos. Desta forma, características como a flexibilidade e a dialogia são abordadas conforme as leituras produzidas da internet como um dispositivo midiático flexível que possibilita o entrecruzamento entre autorias diversas, contrastando manifestações e contestações de todas as ordens. Aspecto que relaciona a internet como um mecanismo sociotécnico fundamental para movimentar os fluxos sociopolíticos no espaço de debate púbico global.

This dissertation examines the iconographical motif of the Apollonian triad in Attic art of the sixth and fifth centuries BC. Attic vase paintings constitute the chief evidence for this study, but other evidence, such as inscriptions, literary sources, sculptures and coins is considered, as well. My thesis focus on scenes without a clear mythological context, where the triad appears alone or accompanied by other, mostly, divine figures, and on what messages or information these images of the Apollonian triad convey. This study contributes to the ongoing discussion of the iconography and iconology of Attic vases, which enriches our understanding of Athenian socio-political and religious life and of Greek culture, more generally.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This d~ssertation concerns the modernisation of Islam-oriented schooling in Cape Town and environs whereby Muslim Mission Primary Schools emerge as a socio-cultural compromise between community needs and State school provision policy. It proceeds from the recognition of the cultural diversity that has since the pioneering days characterised the social order of the Mother City. Two religious and cultural traditions have coexisted here in a superordinate and subordinate relationship; one developed a school system for domestication and cultural assimilation, and the other a covert instructional programme for an"alternative religious system and behaviour code. The thrust of the argument is that the Islamic community, developed on the periphery of society that excluded non-Christians, were in the main concerned with cultural transmission, first in the homes of Free Blacks during the Dutch regime, and later in the mosques that arose when religious freedom was obtained. Traditional schools for Islamic culture transmission were conducted by imams and tended to attract in large numbers the children of slaves and other non-white children causing concern among evangelists In 1863, a political understanding between the governments of Britain and Turkey resulted in Abu Bakr Effendi being assigned by the Sultan to conduct a school in Cape Town to effect some uniformity of Islamic instruction. A latent consequence of this Turkish funded school was the production of the first Afrikaans textbook on Islam, a step in the modernisation of cultural transmission. After Effendi's demise the school was discontinued. State education policy ensured that non-white children generally were educated only at State-funded Christian Mission schools. Most Muslim children received only Islamic instruction at the various madressahs (traditional schools) as a result. An increasingly rigid segregation of public schools oriented towards reproducing the superordinate-subordinate culture relationship resulted in a widening gap of literacy which was increasingly important for the economic and political dispensation. Concerned Muslims organised themselves to address the educational deficiency. The South African Moslem Association urged mOre educational opportunity but floundered before accomplishing anything noteworthy. Their importance lay in their making the Muslims more aware of the need to have a secular education in a changing social order. It was self-evident that education had to be seen in the political context: the weaker community was most likely to suffer the greatest lack of schools. Dr A. Abdurahman, foremost political figure of the first forty years of this century, took the first steps in establishing State-aided primary schools for Muslim children. Whatever success he had in this regard was entirely due to his personali ty and political acumen. In contrast to Abdurahman was the philanthropic effort of Hajee Sullaiman Shah Mohamed to build a school with an Islamic ethos. Why he failed is considered against the social historical background of the Cape Muslims and the communities' manifest needs. Politically, Abdurahman was in a better position and better equipped to address the problem. He served as manager of three Muslim primary schools, the development of which form a substantial part of this study. Abdurahman could harness the creative energies and resources of immigrant and indigenous Muslims in creating these schools. But the Cape Malay Association, disenchanted with Abdurahman's perceived partisanship, politically sought to advance Malay communal interests in the political patronage of the Afrikaner political faction in power. In terms of schooling policy they were to be disillusioned.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Wollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.

In this study we examine what frames there is to be found in the Swedish parliamentary debate on organized crime between 2015 and 2020. The study also describes the degree of influence that the different frames reach, this is measured through the degree of institutionalization of each frame. The specific questions we answer is “Which frames does organized crime get in the parliamentary debate from 2015 to 2020?” and “To what degree have the frames from the parliamentary debate on organized crime become institutionalized?”. When collecting the empirical data a textual analysis is used combined with a frame analysis. The empirical data in the study consists of documents from politicians and larger parliamentary debates relevant for the questions that the study seeks to answer. The analysis showed that there have been four different frames during this period but only two of them are frequently used. The two who have been most frequently used are called crime political and socio political in this essay. Although it may seem obvious that these two frames exist there are widely spread ideas about what to prioritize. That is because every actor in the parliament is arguing that both of them are needed to solve the issue of organized crime. The essay did however show that the crime political frame has been dominating the period of examination and the most legislative work has been done in that policy area.

Information systems and technology strategy has been discussed by many researchers and authors over last three decades. The concepts of business alignment, competitive advantage, value generation etc. have been elaborated and still similar discussions continue. While the advances in IS/IT strategy formulation were being made, the businesses were changing their operating models. More specifically they became global businesses active in multiple geographies at the same time. This research aims to provide deeper understanding of IT developments in global organizations as manifested in the changing social and political environment of the organization and the reciprocal effect of social and political changes on IT strategies. Further it aims to investigate whether the relevant theories and concepts can be integrated to develop a new model that can incorporate the socio-political aspects into IS/IT strategy formulation. To achieve this objective the literature survey was conducted to explore available published papers in the sphere of IS/IT strategy formulation. Considering that the applicability of information systems and technology falls into the sphere of social sciences, the research design focused on the qualitative approach. The primary method of data collection was through semi-structured interviews with IT managers. This was complemented by interviews with business managers and consultants. Further the experiences of the researcher in the earlier role of practitioner were taken into account. Using grounded theory approach the information collected through interviews, own experiences and the data gathered from literature survey were used to develop a new model of IT strategy formulation. The model addresses the context part of IT strategy formulation process. This model development is aimed to counter and account for the political and social aspects of strategy development and deployment in global corporations characterised by diversity of cultures, attitudes and behaviours.