Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text]

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text] / Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The New Zealand pipfruit industry has changed dramatically over the past fifteen years due to major industry restructuring and deregulation, and also due to the adoption of more environmentally sustainable growing strategies. This thesis traces the socio-political context of pesticide use in the pipfruit industry over the past ten years (couched within a hundred year trajectory), through a content and discourse analysis of appropriate print and electronic material. The content analysis addresses the ways in which pesticide use has been framed in New Zealand's fruit journal entitled The Orchardist, and tracks its promotion of the ENZA Integrated Fruit Production program that was introduced to New Zealand pipfruit growers during the summer of 1997/98. The Foucauldian discourse analysis explores how print media reflects and produces knowledge, and how such knowledge causes transformation within the pipfruit industry. Identified in the print media are several central ideologies and themes that frequently serve as conceptual frameworks for interpreting issues that arise in the pipfruit industry, the most prominent of which, is risk. Therefore, risk is the key discourse explored in this thesis. The combined content and discourse analysis signal ways in which power operates through discourse to influence ideologies, world-making and modes of production.

Baptist pastors in the early years of the twenty-first century find themselves in a challenging yet exciting period of South African history. Much has changed in the socio-political and religious contexts, yet Baptist pastors are still prone to operate according to earlier models of leadership and ecclesiology, with the result that they find themselves in situations of heightened conflict. Their position with respect to the laity, with whom they share a common priesthood of believers, is also an ambiguous one. After orientating the reader to the nature of the problem and various starting issues (chapter 1), this practical-theological thesis seeks to explore the nature of the changes in the socio-political milieu (chapter 2), as well as in the religious context (chapter 3). Baptist pastors are affected by a range of expectations that emerge from a particular view of the Bible and from the wider church community, as well as from the media and their own experience of pastors. Chapters 4 and 5 seek to understand these expectations, especially as these expectations have combined to produce role conflict and role ambiguity. In such a situation it is more understandable that ministry can lack a pastoral centre and an unclear identity. Pastors have adopted a stance in the midst of such competing demands on their role identity and chapter 6 attempts to make their position clearer through empirical analysis, before embarking – in chapters 7 and 8 – on a description of a new model of pastoral ministry that is founded on the theatrical notion of the antagonist. Several implications for future ministry are explored in chapter 9, as we look forward to a revised praxis. The pastor as spiritual antagonist is approached from the vantage-point of the world of drama, since this angle, in its metaphorical richness, is seminal for a new understanding of the provocative role of the pastor in a world that is steadily devaluing spiritual leadership. The spiritual antagonist is described in terms of his/her character and ministry actions as one who is profoundly spiritual in his awe of God and in his determination to live reflectively. At the same time the spiritual antagonist is one who has an imaginative grasp on the communicative possibilities of being with people, and alongside people, intensely and for the purpose of provoking decision and faith. Whatever conflict is generated by such a stance is deliberately incorporated for educational and transformational purposes. Whatever is modelled – in the mode of the spiritual antagonist – by ordained pastors / elders becomes facilitatory for fellow believers in the congregation to fashion a similar identity. Thus an old division in Baptist ecclesiology is healed. / Practival Theology / (D. Th. (Practical Theology))

Questo lavoro analizza la relazione tra crescita economica e rischio-socio politico in un campione di 159 paesi per 30 anni. Il principale risultato è che l'instabilità socio-politica diminuisce la crescita mentre l'effetto della crescita sull'instabilità non è statisticamente significativo. Inoltre si evidenzia una relazione negativa tra inflazione e crescita, ma questo collegamento è mediato dal canale dell'instabilità socio-politica. / This paper tests the relationship between economic growth and socio-political instability on a large sample of 159 countries over 30 years, from 1970 through 2000. After a meticulous analysis performed with system estimates, modern econometric techniques that detect endogeneity and a detailed battery of robustness tests I find that socio-political risk decreases economic growth. as regard the other causality link from economic growth to instability, this effect is instead not statistically significant. In addiction a negative relationship between inflation and growth emerges but this link is mediated by the channel of socio-political instability.

This paper endeavors to establish some basic points of reference to better understand the early culture-historical dynamics of the Casma Valley. The revised chronology presented here follows the ceramic sequence developed by Peter Fuchs (1990) on the basis of his Cerro Sechín stratigraphy, confirmed and amplified in its early sections by his recent excavations at Sechín Bajo. A systematic review of the different categories of archaeological data reveals many lacunae that still persist in our record. Monumental architecture most clearly expresses the socio-cultural complexity of the ancient Casma Valley polities. It first appeared during the Sechín Period (3400-1650 cal BC) which is part of the Late Archaic (Preceramic), followed during the Early Formative by the Moxeke Period (1650-1400 cal BC) and the Haldas Period (1400-1000 cal BC) with their diagnostic ceramics. Within this timeframe, some hypotheses formulated by Shelia and Thomas Pozorski (2006) about the socio-political transactions between major Casma Valley sites are evaluated in the light of the archaeological evidence. The tradition of monumental adobe architecture that goes back to about 3400 cal BC in the Casma Valley, reminds us of analogous developments in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic of the ancient Near East. There still remains the challenge to adapt Archaic Period terminology in the Andes to those new discoveries (Kaulicke 1994, 2007: 17-18). / Las investigaciones recientes permiten esbozar un nuevo cuadro cronológico del valle de Casma gracias a la secuencia cerámica elaborada por Peter Fuchs (1990) sobre la base de la estratigrafía de Cerro Sechín, confirmada y ampliada en su parte temprana por los descubrimientos en Sechín Bajo. Al mismo tiempo, el recuento sistemático categorizado de los datos revelará muchas lagunas en el registro arqueológico actual. El avance sociocultural de los habitantes del valle de Casma se expresa, más claramente, en su arquitectura monumental. Se da a conocer, primero, en el Periodo Sechín (3400-1650 a.C.), que forma parte del Arcaico Tardío y Final, seguido durante el Formativo Temprano —según los contextos cerámicos diagnósticos—, por los periodos Moxeke (1650-1400 a.C.) y Haldas (1400-1000 a.C. [calib.]). Dentro de este marco se tratará de evaluar, a la luz de las evidencias arqueológicas, algunos desarrollos sociopolíticos bosquejados por Shelia y Thomas Pozorski (2006) como si fuesen reales. La presencia de una arquitectura monumental de adobe que se remonta hacia 3400 a.C. (calib.) en el valle de  Casma, hace recordar los desarrollos análogos del Neolítico Precerámico (Pre-Pottery Neolithic) del Cercano Oriente. Permanece pendiente el reto de estructurar una terminología conveniente para el Periodo Arcaico andino, de acuerdo con los nuevos descubrimientos (Kaulicke 1994; 2009: 17-18).

Submitted by Geyciane Santos (geyciane_thamires@hotmail.com) on 2015-07-01T15:14:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Suzete Araújo de Lira.pdf: 3123147 bytes, checksum: 8e8325ab3e26028fd5af1ff60a92be0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-09T14:41:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Suzete Araújo de Lira.pdf: 3123147 bytes, checksum: 8e8325ab3e26028fd5af1ff60a92be0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-09T14:44:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Suzete Araújo de Lira.pdf: 3123147 bytes, checksum: 8e8325ab3e26028fd5af1ff60a92be0e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-09T14:44:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Suzete Araújo de Lira.pdf: 3123147 bytes, checksum: 8e8325ab3e26028fd5af1ff60a92be0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-07 / FAPEAM - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / The protected areas are seen as mechanisms for preservation and conservation of natural resources with significant interest to the society. Considered instruments of the National Environmental Policy, in order to preserve, enhance and restore the environmental quality provides life, to ensure conditions for socioeconomic development, the interests of national security and the protection of the dignity of human life. The deployment of PAs as a sustainability strategy for various Brazilian regions leads us to reflect on the relationship between human development and democratization of the tools of environmental policies, especially around every Brazilian scenario in its importance and visibility for local people and its surroundings. The RDS areas that are home to populations whose existence is based on sustainable systems of exploitation of natural resources which play an important role in protecting nature and biodiversity maintenance at the same time were effectively contribute to addressing climate change. In this sense, the main objective of this work is "Evaluate the environmental conditions in the way of life of community residents Our Lady of Deliverance of Sustainable Development Reserve Tupé (RDS / Tupe), the municipality of Manaus / AM," the locus of research. To this end, work has been done through an exploratory approach of qualitative and quantitative nature, with indirect observation techniques, semi-structured interviews with eleven (11) residents and the technical manager responsible for managing the reserve, as well as bibliographic / documentary references (the Plan being Management and Public Use Plan and compilation of the laws of Networks Tupé, some of the main sources that were analyzed). The work resulted in the implementation of sustainable use reserves is essential to achieving sustainable development for communities. However, the effectiveness of the actions and targets have proved to be fragmented, despite all the advances in the adoption of strategies and instruments, These fragmentations are expressed in the difficulties experienced in the way of life of residents, verified the existence of the fragility of autonomy of residents , communities have difficulties to organize politically, and political organization does not come from government comes from the demands and needs faced in day to day upon the objective conditions of these communities. The way policies are made possible need to be reassessed, and planning and management for the effectiveness of the legal rule on RDS make up, requires changes in the performance of the administration and management of the state to effectively integrate with the local population and adapt it the environmental reality of people entered in this space. At the most, implies the formulation of strategies in order to enable new investments for the implementation and application of systems of PAs, otherwise communities present in these protected areas are facing increasingly untenable environmental conditions, and environmental protection will remain in discourse . / As Unidades de Conservação são tidas como mecanismos de preservação e conservação dos recursos naturais com relevante interesse para a sociedade. Consideradas instrumentos da Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente, com objetivo de preservar, melhorar e recuperar a qualidade ambiental propicia à vida, visando assegurar condições ao desenvolvimento socioeconômico, aos interesses da segurança nacional e à proteção da dignidade da vida humana. A implantação das UCs como uma estratégia de sustentabilidade para diversos territórios brasileiro nos leva a refletir sobre a relação do desenvolvimento humano e a democratização dos instrumentos das políticas ambientais, com destaque em todo em todo cenário brasileiro a sua importância e visibilidade para as populações locais e do seu entorno. As RDS são áreas que abriga populações cuja existência baseia-se em sistemas sustentáveis de exploração dos recursos naturais que desempenham importante papel na proteção da natureza e na manutenção da biodiversidade, ao mesmo tempo contribuem de foram efetiva para o enfrentamento das mudanças climáticas. Neste sentido o objetivo central deste trabalho é “Avaliar as condições socioambientais no modo de vida dos moradores da comunidade Nossa Senhora do Livramento da Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável do Tupé (RDS/Tupé), do município de Manaus/AM”, locus de pesquisa. Para tanto, foi feito trabalho mediante uma abordagem exploratória de natureza qualitativo e quantitativo, com técnicas de observação indireta, entrevistas semi estruturadas com 11 (onze) moradores e o gestor técnico responsável pela administração da reserva, bem como referencias bibliográfica/documental (sendo o Plano de Manejo e Plano de Uso Público e o coletânea das leis da Redes do Tupé, algumas das principais fontes que foram analisadas). O trabalho resultou que a implantação da reserva de uso sustentável é imprescindível para a sustentabilidade do desenvolvimento para as comunidades. No entanto, a efetivação das ações e metas revelaram-se fragmentadas, mesmo diante de todas os avanços na adoção de estratégias e instrumentos, Essas fragmentações são expressas nas dificuldades vivenciadas no modo de vida dos moradores, constatado a existência da fragilidade de autonomia dos moradores, as comunidades tem dificuldades para se organizar politicamente, e a organização política não vem do poder público vem das demandas e necessidades enfrentadas no dia a dia em cima das condições objetivas destas comunidades. A forma como as políticas são viabilizadas precisam ser reavaliadas, quanto ao planejamento e gerenciamento para que a efetividade da norma jurídica sobre as RDS se efetue, requer mudanças na atuação da administração e gestão do Estado para integrar com efetividade a população local e adaptá-la a realidade socioambiental das populações inseridas nesse espaço. No mais, implica na formulação de estratégias, de modo a viabilizar novos investimentos para a implementação e aplicação dos sistemas das UCs, do contrário as comunidades presentes nestas áreas de proteção estarão diante de condições socioambientais cada vez mais insustentáveis, e a proteção ambiental permanecerá no discurso.

nÃo hà / Esta tese se propÃs a investigar o fenÃmeno da participaÃÃo popular no OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza como processo pedagÃgico. A pedagogia à compreendida como processo instituinte, capaz de mobilizar novos imaginÃrios sÃcio-polÃticos. Esse viÃs contou com as contribuiÃÃes teÃrico-conceituais de Castoriadis e Paulo Freire. Realizou-se um estudo de caso delimitado aos quatro (2005-2008) primeiros anos da implantaÃÃo do OP na cidade. O OrÃamento Participativo faz parte de um projeto democrÃtico-participativo, fundamentado em uma perspectiva de democracia cujos princÃpios da deliberaÃÃo popular, controle social, autonomia etc. detÃm-se no empoderamento popular. O objetivo deste estudo deteve-se no sujeito (individual e coletivo) e nas possibilidades deste desenvolver neste espaÃo uma forma de existir coletivamente. A participaÃÃo nÃo compreende as aprendizagens individuais, mas as que se dÃo entre-os-indivÃduos, daà a categoria central ser: âpedagogia da participaÃÃoâ. Esse termo contempla um conjunto de outras subcategorias (eidos coletivo, saber dialÃgico, tempo pedagÃgico, domÃnio pÃblico do saber) norteadoras do processo investigativo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram no OP de Fortaleza uma instituiÃÃo capaz de estabelecer tensÃes com um imaginÃrio sÃcio-polÃtico jà instituÃdo, mas estas tensÃes nÃo romperam com as formas tradicionais de fazer polÃtica (territorialidade, tempo administrativo, saber epistÃmico, etc.), dificultando a criaÃÃo de uma forma de existir coletivamente. / This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of popular participation in the Participative Budget (PB) of Fortaleza as a pedagogical process. The pedagogy is understood as an establishing process, able to mobilize new socio-political imaginary. This bias includes the theoretical and conceptual contributions of Castoriadis and Paulo Freire. In this work, we conducted a case study limited to the first four years (2005 - 2008) of the implantation of PB in Fortaleza. The PB is part of a participatory-democratic project, based on a perspective of democracy whose principles of popular deliberation, social control, autonomy, etc., hold on the popular empowerment. In this way, the aim of this thesis had a focus on the subject (individual and collective) and on the possibilities of this to develop a way of to exist collectively. Participation does not include individual learnings, but that which give between individuals, therefrom the central category to be "pedagogy of participation". This terms cover a number of other subcategories (collective eidos, dialogical knowledge, pedagogical time, public domain of knowledge) that are guiding the investigative process. The research results revel the PB of Fortaleza as an institution able of to establish tensions with a socio-political imaginary already established, but these tensions did not breaks with traditional ways of doing politics (territoriality, administrative time, knowledge epistemic, etc..), making impossible the formation of a collective.

Submitted by Fabielle Cheuczuk (fabielle.cheuczuk@unioeste.br) on 2018-11-01T18:18:59Z No. of bitstreams: 2 dissertação hernani f.p.nunes.pdf: 1455586 bytes, checksum: 3ce6a7e7da00aa41dc709a40d6c8573d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-01T18:18:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 dissertação hernani f.p.nunes.pdf: 1455586 bytes, checksum: 3ce6a7e7da00aa41dc709a40d6c8573d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to conduct a documentary research, analyzing the numbers referring to the higher education national and regional district. In this way, we discuss the data that indicate the date of implementation of higher education institutions, the creation of respective courses, enrollment, tied students and graduates of the respective courses in the period 2003-2014. In order to do this, we have made a history of the formation of Brazilian higher education, the creation of the first institutions of higher education, the modernization of Brazilian post-1968 education and the work of international organizations in the sector, such as IBRD, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the World Bank, attempting to mention the impositions of the Washington consensus that were influential in shaping economic and educational policies in Brazil in the following decades. During the construction of this history the discussions focused on education, we made relations with the economic and social policies of each period between 1930-2002. Based on the historical, we began the statistical discussion about the expansion of Brazilian higher education, based on the economic reformulation and from the institutionalized educational programs. Among them were: the Fund for Student Financing for Higher Education (FIES), the University for All Program (PROUNI) and the Federal University Restructuring and Expansion Program Support Program (REUNI). regions of the country, through state funding directed to the public and private sectors. Finally, we discussed the expansion of the teaching modality at the regional level, seeking to mention the data that indicates the date of implementation of the new educational institutions, the year of creation of the respective courses and, in municipal scope, we point out the numbers that indicate the number of enrollments, bound students, course finishes and the number of courses implemented. The problem that we investigated during the research was, the policies of expansion of education internalized the sector in the region, with the justification of a formation of higher education in a late form. We soon found that most educational institutions and courses were instituted dating to socioeconomic transformations from the 2000s. We also made clear that this research belongs to the research line "Education and Teaching of Geography" and to HEGEO - Group of Research in History and Epistemology of Geography. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo realizar uma pesquisa documental, analisando os números referentes ao setor da educação superior em âmbito nacional e regional. Dessa forma discutimos os dados que apontam a data de implementação das instituições de ensino superior, de criação dos respectivos cursos, sobre matrículas, alunos vinculados e concluintes dos respectivos cursos no período 2003-2014. Para isso, fizemos um histórico que pretende apontar a formação da educação superior brasileira, a criação das primeiras instituições de ensino superior, a modernização da educação superior brasileira pós 1968 e a atuação de organismos internacionais no setor, como o BIRD, Banco Internacional para Reconstrução e Desenvolvimento e o Banco Mundial, procurando mencionar as imposições do consenso de Washington influentes na elaboração das políticas econômicas e educacionais no Brasil das décadas posteriores. Durante a construção desse histórico as discussões voltadas para a educação, fizemos relações com as políticas econômicas e sociais de cada período entre 1930-2002. Com base no histórico, iniciamos a discussão estatística sobre a expansão da educação superior brasileira a contar da reformulação econômica e a partir da atuação dos programas educacionais institucionalizados. Entre eles o, Fundo de Financiamento ao Estudante do Ensino Superior (FIES), o, Programa Universidade para Todos (PROUNI) e o, Programa de Apoio a Planos de Reestruturação e Expansão das Universidades Federais (REUNI), havendo a expansão do setor a regiões interioranas do país, através do financiamento estatal direcionados para o setor público e privado. Por fim, realizamos uma discussão sobre a expansão da modalidade de ensino em âmbito regional, procurando mencionar os dados que apontam a data de implementação das novas instituições de ensino, o ano de criação dos respectivos cursos e, em abrangência municipal, apontamos os números que indicam a quantidade de matrículas, alunos vinculados, concluintes dos cursos e a quantidade de cursos implementados. O problema que investigamos durante a pesquisa foi, as políticas de expansão do ensino interiorizaram o setor na região, com a justificativa de haver uma formação da educação superior de forma tardia. Logo constatamos que, a maior parte das instituições de ensino e de cursos foram instituídos a datar das transformações socioeconômicas a partir dos anos 2000.

Far-right parties and their supporters have long been associated with climate skepticism and opposition to climate action. However, all far-right supporters do not share these views, and some even emphasize the importance of caring about the environment. Prior research has not paid much attention to this question; this thesis hence aims to investigate which kinds of far-right supporters are more likely to hold pro-environmental views. The study argues that it is essential to disentangle different eco-friendly attitudes related to the (national) environment on the one hand, and to (global) climate change on the other hand. Using prior research on far-right values and climate change attitudes, the study focuses on regional differences and various individual-level characteristics such as attitudes towards the nation- state, state sovereignty, and individuals’ socio-economic background. The empirical analysis uses the European Social Survey’s data from 2016 and employs multiple linear regression. The results demonstrate that there is indeed a “green divide” between concern for the environment and for the climate among the European far-right, particularly in Eastern Europe. Nationalist attitudes were statistically related to caring for the (national) environment, and not as much to climate responsibility. Female and older far-right supporters care more for the environment, while younger far-right supporters have higher climate responsibility. These results demonstrate the heterogeneity of far-right supporters and their pro-environmental attitudes. They also suggest that certain groups within the far right may be more open to environmentally friendly politics than others, and that an emphasis on the environment instead of on climate may greatly impact polarization in modern environmental politics.