<p>The Syrian military intervention in Lebanon which began in 1976 has impacted the country in many ways. There are numerous reports about the negative impact of that intervention in addition to the ways in which Lebanon is currently being exploited by Syria in the global political arena so that Syria can achieve its goals. Manifestations of this exploitation are the many unfair, unbalanced and unjust bilateral treaties that Lebanon has signed with Syria in the aftermath of the Lebanese civil war. </p><p>However, the circumstances under which those treaties were signed as well as their implications have led to numerous debates. The manner in which Syria gained control over the Lebanese political system at the legislative, executive and judicial levels, in addition to the exploitation of Lebanon’s economic resources by means of those treaties has aroused serious concern. Therefore, the central question posed in this study is: Did the post Lebanese civil war bilateral treaties that Lebanon signed with Syria pave the way for Syrian hegemony over Lebanon? By employing the historical research method, I study past events in relation to the circumstances that led Lebanon to signing those treaties and then evaluate their effect and consequences on the present situation in terms of the economic advantages that Syria enjoys as a signatory to those treaties. </p><p>I apply a theoretical model based on Robert O Keohane’s definition of the theory of hegemonic stability. The result is that Syria, even though it is considered to be an underdeveloped market economy country, fulfills most of Keohane’s characteristics of hegemonic powers seeking preponderance of material resources. The central finding in this thesis is that the shortcomings of hegemony do apply to the Syrain presence in Lebanon due to the economic exploitation of Lebanon’s resources. </p><p>In addition, I employ Keohane’s cooperation theory and examine the “joint committees”, that were formed to regulate the application of the signed treaties, and their modus operandi. I argue tha Syria and Lebanon need to cooperate and that this cooperation needs to be regulated so that the two countries can deal with each other as equals rather than as a hegemon and a hegemonized. I claim that those committees can be the regimes that can enhance cooperation between Lebanon and Syria by means of trading based on the comparative advantages of their economic resources.</p>

<p>This thesis is about Turkish accession to the European Union and criteria to be fulfilled in order to become a member state. At Helsinki summit there were defined four main areas, that are the main obstacles of Turkish membership in the structures of EU – military influence in domestic politics, economy disproportions, the issues of minorities living in Turkey and problems with obeying human rights and fundamental freedoms. In addition the attitude among European countries and Turkish political elites has changed dramatically since 1999. There is a great discussion, whose main purpose is, to show if Turkey should or shouldn’t become a part of united Europe. With the help of created conceptual framework, which is empirically based on qualitative methods and with theoretical approach in form of analysis considering human rights, I have developed a set of three hypotheses, that are based on primary and secondary sources like EU, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International reports considering changes of Turkish attitude to the question of human rights. In the process of testing validity or invalidity of those hypotheses, I have tried to conclude, why the implication of reforms considering human is the main obstacle of Turkish membership in the EU.</p> / The paper may be used free, but it is forbidden to copy or use directly any parts of it without earlier contact with author.

<p>The debate on international intervention is a very difficult topic. As a main issue in it, the differences lies on decisions regarding - what, when and who. This essay will address the importance of accurate intervention in disaster affected states. It will identify what types of interventions that is most commonly used and if there is one type of intervention that are the most effective one. It will show if the disaster in it self related to the area in question will determine what kind of intervention that should be used – is the identification of them two the deciding factor or is there one particular intervention model that is better to use? The essay will also question whether intervention might lead to a weakened state sovereignty and if sovereignty has to be protected and be taken in consideration before any intervention can be done. To address this, recent history is analysed with two cases as examples – the Darfur conflict and Cyclone Nargis that struck Burma in 2008. The conflict in Darfur is a man-made disaster which  lead to plenty of suffering and many lost lives. Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster which in it self caused many deaths. In Darfur the discussion regarding what, when and who delayed actions from the international association. It was also disrupted by the government in Khartoum constant refusals of help from the outside world. In Burma, relief could be sent in the initial phase, however, the government was hard to cooperate with, which made it quite impossible for the relief to reach all the affected areas. Putting the empirical part against those theories that has been brought up in this essay, the thesis of it has been answered with the conclusion that whether one type of intervention model is being used or another model, the most important part in any kind of intervention is that the humanitarian assistance along with the provision of needs for survival will reach those who has been affected by a disaster, also, not to create any kind of pressure against the affected state in question, this to prevent further conflicts.</p>

Thesis (doctoral)--Deutsche Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften, Speyer, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [567]-578).

The Syrian military intervention in Lebanon which began in 1976 has impacted the country in many ways. There are numerous reports about the negative impact of that intervention in addition to the ways in which Lebanon is currently being exploited by Syria in the global political arena so that Syria can achieve its goals. Manifestations of this exploitation are the many unfair, unbalanced and unjust bilateral treaties that Lebanon has signed with Syria in the aftermath of the Lebanese civil war. However, the circumstances under which those treaties were signed as well as their implications have led to numerous debates. The manner in which Syria gained control over the Lebanese political system at the legislative, executive and judicial levels, in addition to the exploitation of Lebanon’s economic resources by means of those treaties has aroused serious concern. Therefore, the central question posed in this study is: Did the post Lebanese civil war bilateral treaties that Lebanon signed with Syria pave the way for Syrian hegemony over Lebanon? By employing the historical research method, I study past events in relation to the circumstances that led Lebanon to signing those treaties and then evaluate their effect and consequences on the present situation in terms of the economic advantages that Syria enjoys as a signatory to those treaties. I apply a theoretical model based on Robert O Keohane’s definition of the theory of hegemonic stability. The result is that Syria, even though it is considered to be an underdeveloped market economy country, fulfills most of Keohane’s characteristics of hegemonic powers seeking preponderance of material resources. The central finding in this thesis is that the shortcomings of hegemony do apply to the Syrain presence in Lebanon due to the economic exploitation of Lebanon’s resources. In addition, I employ Keohane’s cooperation theory and examine the “joint committees”, that were formed to regulate the application of the signed treaties, and their modus operandi. I argue tha Syria and Lebanon need to cooperate and that this cooperation needs to be regulated so that the two countries can deal with each other as equals rather than as a hegemon and a hegemonized. I claim that those committees can be the regimes that can enhance cooperation between Lebanon and Syria by means of trading based on the comparative advantages of their economic resources.

The debate on international intervention is a very difficult topic. As a main issue in it, the differences lies on decisions regarding - what, when and who. This essay will address the importance of accurate intervention in disaster affected states. It will identify what types of interventions that is most commonly used and if there is one type of intervention that are the most effective one. It will show if the disaster in it self related to the area in question will determine what kind of intervention that should be used – is the identification of them two the deciding factor or is there one particular intervention model that is better to use? The essay will also question whether intervention might lead to a weakened state sovereignty and if sovereignty has to be protected and be taken in consideration before any intervention can be done. To address this, recent history is analysed with two cases as examples – the Darfur conflict and Cyclone Nargis that struck Burma in 2008. The conflict in Darfur is a man-made disaster which  lead to plenty of suffering and many lost lives. Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster which in it self caused many deaths. In Darfur the discussion regarding what, when and who delayed actions from the international association. It was also disrupted by the government in Khartoum constant refusals of help from the outside world. In Burma, relief could be sent in the initial phase, however, the government was hard to cooperate with, which made it quite impossible for the relief to reach all the affected areas. Putting the empirical part against those theories that has been brought up in this essay, the thesis of it has been answered with the conclusion that whether one type of intervention model is being used or another model, the most important part in any kind of intervention is that the humanitarian assistance along with the provision of needs for survival will reach those who has been affected by a disaster, also, not to create any kind of pressure against the affected state in question, this to prevent further conflicts.

Academic and popular discourse frequently positions postcolonial countries as receivers of visual culture rather than as producers and transmitters. These countries are often deemed as being subject to hegemonic forces of global media flows, the influx of foreign programming into their media landscapes hindering any significant development of distinct national identity through visual media. Since independence from British rule in 1962, government, media practitioners and viewers in the postcolonial Caribbean nation of Trinidad and Tobago have sought ways to build a national visual culture despite the inundation of non-local visual texts into the country. This study positions postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago as actively productive of its own identity, and through a cultural studies analysis of television advertising, examines the central role that this industry (including personnel, economic structure, equipment and texts) plays in the construction of a national visual culture. This process of collective imagining takes place within the visual imaging of the advertising industry, and ultimately charts the undoing of colonial, hegemonic discourses within the broader mediascape. Ultimately the advertising industry facilitates the active negotiation of national identity, catalyzing the process of visual sovereignty.

Violence is put in a specific context when the police are the perpetrator of violence rendering violence possibly legitimate through sovereignty. The possibility of legitimization of police violence raises important questions of how such violence is legitimized and how resistance is conceived of and defined. I have interviewed seven people in Sweden from different backgrounds, all of whom share the experience of having been subjugated to police violence, including threats, harassments and physical violence.This paper analyzes the performativity of police violence through the relations between police violence, power, sovereignty, subjectstatus and resistance, in order to understand how police violence is being legitimized and to understand its consequenses with respect to those subjugated to it. I’ve also analyzed if this violence is being politicized and, in that case, how politicization is made possible. Performativity implies an understanding where those relations aswell as understandings of it are framing which actions are made possible and rendered real while those very actions themselves also animates those understandings. Those framings are to be understood as neither unambiguous nor ever-lasting.In order to analyze power relations considerate of different backgrounds and experiences where the relationship between the police and those who are subjected to police violence aren’t formulated in political terms I’ve chosen to analyze power relations through subjectstatus and sovereignty. Subjectstatus signifies to which extent we are acknowledged as subjects and thus granted raison d’être through such status. Sovereignty is understood as the power structure giving meaning to the police actions of violence. Thus, I am not analyzing structures of power or identity such as class and gender. Instead I analyze to what extent we are acknowledged as subjects through the concept of subjectstatus where for instance gender and class may be included.The perception of yourself through others is of significance for the risk of being subjected to police violence where the very experience of being violated carry consequences for how we are perceived. Legitimized police violence in itself denies victimstatus to those being violated, thus explaining why the victims of police violence are seldom seen as subjugated to violence. The possibility of police violence being rendered legitimate are materialized through sovereignty where police violence can be understood as a way of outlining the boundaries through which sovereignty acknowledges some subjects the freedom from violence in ambiguous ways.A subject wielding resistance can be conceived of as being in a subject-position, rendering police violence legitimate. The very acts of police violence carry the power to define what is to be understood as resistance. Such subject-positions are advantageous to the police since they entail the possibility of rendering police violence legitimate when someone who is violated by the police can be construed as wielding resistance after the violations. Thus police violence and sovereignty entail their own prerequisites for being rendered real. When the framings of police violence are being materialized through that very violence they can be understood as hegemonic, making police violence hard to politicize. / <p>Masteruppsats i genusvetenskap</p>

This thesis is about Turkish accession to the European Union and criteria to be fulfilled in order to become a member state. At Helsinki summit there were defined four main areas, that are the main obstacles of Turkish membership in the structures of EU – military influence in domestic politics, economy disproportions, the issues of minorities living in Turkey and problems with obeying human rights and fundamental freedoms. In addition the attitude among European countries and Turkish political elites has changed dramatically since 1999. There is a great discussion, whose main purpose is, to show if Turkey should or shouldn’t become a part of united Europe. With the help of created conceptual framework, which is empirically based on qualitative methods and with theoretical approach in form of analysis considering human rights, I have developed a set of three hypotheses, that are based on primary and secondary sources like EU, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International reports considering changes of Turkish attitude to the question of human rights. In the process of testing validity or invalidity of those hypotheses, I have tried to conclude, why the implication of reforms considering human is the main obstacle of Turkish membership in the EU. / <p>The paper may be used free, but it is forbidden to copy or use directly any parts of it without earlier contact with author.</p>

<p>This dissertation investigates the relation between the formation of "Blackness" and the Western tradition of sovereignty through the works of late twentieth century Black Radical theorists. I most specifically examine the work of Stokely Carmichael, Amiri Baraka, Frantz Fanon, and Huey P. Newton in order to delineate a shift within Black Radicalism which, due to an intense de-linking of Black nationalism from the concept of territorial sovereignty throughout the 1960s and early 1970s led to the formation of a new subjectivity ("Blackness") oriented against and beyond the Western tradition of political sovereignty as a whole. </p><p> This dissertation begins by outlining the parameters of the concept of sovereignty as well as its relation to conquest, coloniality, and racialization more generally. I then examine the formation of Black Power as an expression of anti-colonial sentiments present within the United States and uncover there the influence of W.E.B. DuBois' concept of double-consciousness. I then further examine the concept of Black Power through the work of Amiri Baraka and his notion of "Blackness" as the proximity to "home." Each of these expositions of Black Power are undertaken in order to better understand the era of Black Power and its relation to both Black nationalism and the Western tradition of sovereignty. </p><p> Next, I turn to the work of Frantz Fanon, whom I claim prepares the way for the idea of "Blackness" as an ontological resistance beyond, not only the territorial imperative, but also the logic of sovereignty more generally. This notion of "Blackness" as an antidote to sovereign logic present within the work of Fanon allows me to turn to the work of Huey P. Newton in order to demonstrate his conceptualization of "Blackness" as an antagonistic subjectivity within a fully globalized society whose onset he had theorized and which he termed "empire." I conclude by drawing on each of the above theorists as well as the work of Angela Davis in order to build a retrospective summary of this alternative lineage of the Black Radical Tradition and its importance for the conceptualization of resistances to and life beyond our contemporary society.</p> / Dissertation