Since the end of World War II, intellectuals not only in the West but also in Japan itself have been looking for the answer to the question which conditions and ideological mechanisms convinced regular Japanese to support the militaristic government and to be willing to give their lives in service of their country. This apex of ultranationalism in the 1930s and 1940s is interesting also because less than a hundred years before the conclusion of the tragedy of the Pacific war, it is impossible to speak of a feeling of national affilliation among the people of Japan, much less so of nationalism. Therefore this diploma thesis will be commenced by a description of the historical origin and development of national consciousness from the late Tokugawa period and the gradual formation of various types of nationalism in the Meiji period, which originated from this consciousness. As part of this topic I will introduce the main elements of the so-called family state ideology, which was the central idea within Japanese nationalism and which tried to connect the hearts of all citizens with the interests of the state by means of the traditional confucian model of family relations. The main purpose of this thesis is the analysis of the process by which this ideology was spread and intensified in the field of...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PatriciaMM_DISSERT.pdf: 1198600 bytes, checksum: 3134b80612edf94f7e2b612f2a6c95fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-08 / This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of the legal labor phenomenon in contemporary capitalism as rectifier element of the contradictions between capital and labor. From the analysis of legislative developments - state and business - and court decisions related to the category of freight transport is expected to determine the protectionist stiffness proclaimed by the institutional structure of labor in Brazil, considered by the hegemonic discourse as political-economic factor that prevents growth. It is intended to unravel the relationships between political and civil society, studying the internal contradictions and ideological influence among these spaces, with theoretical support in Marx and Gramsci. The function of this research is to test the premise that the protectionist discourse is a rational action of capitalism and the organic intellectuals of political society in order to achieve hegemony and hide the real contradictions between capital and labor, in addition to also assist in the discussion on deregulation and easing in Brazil. The analysis points to the confirmation of our premise, since the evolution of the legal phenomenon in the transport sector was charging toward the neoliberal project / Esta pesquisa se prop?e investigar a efetividade do fen?meno jur?dico trabalhista no capitalismo atual como elemento retificador das contradi??es entre capital e trabalho. A partir da an?lise da evolu??o legislativa - estatal e negocial - e de decis?es judiciais relacionadas ? categoria de transportes de carga, espera-se averiguar a proclamada rigidez protecionista da estrutura institucional trabalhista no Brasil, considerada pelo discurso hegem?nico pol?tico-econ?mico como fator que impede o crescimento. Pretende-se desvendar as rela??es entre sociedade pol?tica e sociedade civil, estudando as contradi??es internas e a influ?ncia ideol?gica entre estes espa?os, com aporte te?rico em Marx e Gramsci. A fun??o da investiga??o ? testar a premissa que o discurso protecionista ? uma a??o racional do capitalismo e dos intelectuais org?nicos da sociedade pol?tica, a fim de alcan?ar hegemonia e ocultar as contradi??es reais entre capital e trabalho; al?m de tamb?m auxiliar na discuss?o sobre a desregulamenta??o e a flexibiliza??o no Brasil. A an?lise aponta para a confirma??o da nossa premissa, posto que a evolu??o do fen?meno jur?dico no setor de transporte de carga foi na dire??o do projeto neoliberal

Cette thèse étudie le phénomène du concours de chant « Super Voice Girl » dans le but de déterminer les mécanismes fondamentaux de la dynamique culturelle en Chine contemporaine. S’inspirant de l’émission américaine « American Idol », le concours de chant « Super Girl Voice » est produit par Hunan TV et sa compagnie filiale EE Media. Avec une participation massive, le concours est commenté par un jury dans les auditions régionales préliminaires, complété par un système de vote des téléspectateurs afin d’élire le gagnant. « Super Girl Voice » est devenu un des sujets les plus discutés de la société chinoise dans le domaine des medias de masse. La thèse examine ce phénomène dans la cadre théorique de l'hégémonie culturelle qui articule des vues divergentes dans des études culturelles. Pour son auteur, la force culturelle en Chine contemporaine est caractérisée par la négociation entre l’idéologie dominante, la culture populaire et les discours intellectuels. L'idéologie dominante de l’état fortement ancrée dans la société détermine la politique et les pratiques culturelles chinoises. Elle est en même temps réinterprétée et diluée dans le processus de la modernisation économique. La culture émergente populaire à visées lucratives se tient délibérément à distance de l'idéologie dominante, mais elle reste dans l’obligation de s’adapter aux règles de l’idéologie dominante. Les discours intellectuels sont diversifiés depuis que les intellectuels chinois ont plus d’indépendance économique, politique et culturelle. Leur influence, toutefois, a été minée par la politique de contrôle des médias et la dépolitisation de l’industrie culturelle chinoise. / This thesis investigates the Super Girl Voice phenomenon in order to achieve some understanding of the mechanisms underlying cultural dynamics in contemporary China. A Chinese imitation of the American reality television singing competition American Idol, the Super Girl Voice Contest is produced by Hunan TV and its subsidiary company EE Media. This highly participatory contest features a panel of judges in the preliminary regional auditions and employs a telecommunication-Based voting system to determine the winner. Its finals are broadcast live in prime time with record-Breaking national viewership. This contest also becomes one of the most heatedly discussed issues in Chinese society in the public sphere of mass media. The author contends that the cultural dynamics in contemporary China is characterized by the mediated negotiation between the dominant, the emergent, and the residual cultures. The dominant state ideology is embodied in the majority of the society and determines Chinese cultural policy and practices. On the other hand, it is being reinterpreted and diluted in the process of economic modernization. The profit-Oriented emergent popular culture deliberately keeps a distance from the dominant ideology, but it still need to comply with the ideology-Dominated regulations. The intellectual discourses are diversified since Chinese intellectuals achieve more economic, political and cultural independence. However, their influences have been undermined due to the political control over Chinese media and the depolitisation of Chinese cultural industry.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GLARISTON RESENDE.pdf: 507213 bytes, checksum: 81b97b29264d119c67a4c8bc974838d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / The present paper aims, generally, to analyse the ideological basis which gave fundamentals to the elaboration of the Federal Constitution of 1988 (CF/88) and its subsequent constitutional amendments, as to the socio-economical field. It comes from the presupposition that the social reality is complex, and in the capitalist system the social components incrusted in the superstructure are in constant dialectical relation to those one in the infrastructure; they influentiate and get influence by the productive relations and so bundle up those ones the ideological postulated matters which steer northward these ones. The constitutions, then, become the politics man s juridical statute in the State, so sheltering the predominant social ideals, especially if they are democratical and normative ones. The CF/88 was promulgated in the context of redemocratization of our State, collecting the biggest popular participation of our constitutionalism history. An a certain measure, the population got to involve its interests to the constituint s discussionis, what arose the promulgation of the Citizen Constitution , under strong social-democratical character. Although its promulgation context this occurred when the capital was reconfiguring itself in the whole world under the neoliberal faith ascension. The neoliberalism in Brazil became a dominant ideological matter from up the 90ties (XX century), and so infiltrated itself, too, as it could be thought, in the major text of our juridical law. This paper worked 9 (nine) Constitutional Amendments which discourse abou the economical field directly. From these ones 8 (eight) are from neoliberal incuse, 6 (six) promulgated in the FHC era. With the promulgation of such amendments it was seen the wellcoming of the transnational capital, intruding itself in the vital economical sectors. Beside those amendments, in the social field, it is seen the contrary, from the 12 (twelve) worked Constitutional Amendments, 10 (ten) reveal themselves of socialdemocratical incuse. The apparent contradiction explains itself, in a great measure, because it fullfilds the State as a mediator role in the relation Capital versus Work. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo geral a análise das bases ideológicas que fundamentaram a Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF/88), e suas subsequentes emendas constitucionais, no que tange ao campo socioeconômico. Parte-se do pressuposto de que a realidade societal é complexa, sendo que no sistema capitalista os componentes sociais sitos na superestrutura estão em constante relação dialética com os situados na infraestrutura. Disto, o direito, mais especificamente a CF/88, componentes da superestrutura, influem e são influenciados pelas relações produtivas, agasalhando aqueles os postulados ideológicos que norteiam as atividades destas. As constituições, pois, passam a ser o estatuto jurídico do político do Estado, abrigando, principalmente se democráticas e normativas, os ideais sociais predominantes. A CF/88 foi promulgada no contexto da redemocratização da sociedade brasileira, com a maior participação popular da história do constitucionalismo brasileiro. Em certa medida, conseguiu a população levar seus interesses às discussões constituintes, que ensejou a promulgação da Constituição cidadã , com forte caráter social-democrático. Em que pese o contexto de sua promulgação, esta se deu quando mundialmente o capital estava se reconfigurando, com a ascensão do credo neoliberal. O neoliberalismo no Brasil se fez ideário dominante a partir da década de 90 (século XX), repercutindo-se, também, como era de se esperar, no texto-mor do ordenamento jurídico. Trabalhamos com nove Emendas Constitucionais que diretamente versam sobre o campo econômico. Destas, oito são de cunho neoliberal, seis promulgadas na era FHC. Com a promulgação de tais emendas vimos a acolhida do capital transnacional, adentrando em setores econômicos vitais. Ao lado destas emendas, no campo social, presenciamos o contrário, das doze Emendas Constitucionais trabalhadas, dez são de cunho social-democrata. A aparente contradição se explica, em grande medida, por cumprir o Estado seu papel mediador da relação capital x trabalho.

Listening to Birth asserts that structures of power reproduce themselves by instituting particular modes of listening and sound production. Situating my research within feminist sound studies, I argue that meanings conjured around the audible, material bodies of women were carefully crafted by elites in antiquity, in order to construct gendered ideologies of kingship, civilisation, and nature. I examine these power dynamics as expressed in mythic and magical texts and iconographies, dating from the Bronze Age to later Roman antiquity. Throughout the thesis, I examine the development of symbolic systems and narrative tropes that linked mining and metallurgy with reproduction and vocality. My analysis emphasises how the invention of nature was accomplished, in part, through a metallurgical reclassification of the voices and sexualities of women as indiscrete phenomena: womb, mouth, and voice were elided with mining and smelting to form a unified semantic realm. I argue that this invention of ‘vulvar vocality’ reclassified female sounds as illicit, providing a plaform for the removal of women from the public sphere. I attempt to connect the gendered discourse found in myths and magical rituals to the political and economic domain of state-craft, to demonstrate the importance of hegemonic mythopoeic control of audible female reproduction for establishing ideologies of colonisation and extraction. I link analyses of texts and iconographies from the Bronze Age Mesopotamians, Hittites, Canaanites, Minoans, and Egyptians to later materials from the Iron Age Greeks, Israelites, and Romans—my goal is to demonstrate both the ubiquity and the continual reproduction of metallurgical ideology across the ancient world. I also present my preliminary research into the lasting impact that antique notions of vulvar vocality had on later state-craft. I begin to trace the preservation and elaboration of antique metallurgical literature by Byzantine and Islamic scholars, who in turn exerted strong influence on the Ottomans and late medieval and early modern Europeans. I outline future work to investigate the exponential rise of entrepreneurial metallurgy in late medieval and early modern Europe, arguing that this metallurgical discourse provided symbolic re-enforcement for the rapidly-accelerating mining and metal trade that formed the core of European colonial expansion. I suggest that vulvar vocality was central to early modern metallurgical, demonological, and colonial discourse, and that specific female vocalities and silences were purposefully crafted into the colonial project in order to forcibly redefine women, along with the lands and children stolen from them, as mere natural resources.

[Truncated abstract] As a developing country, Indonesia has been struggling with complex and contentious development issues since Independence in 1945. Despite remarkable economic achievement during the New Order period (1966-1998), poverty has persisted and the benefits of development have been unequally distributed. Social welfare — the system of social security to protect the well-being of the weaker members of society has received little attention in Indonesia, both from the state and from the scholarly community. The historical neglect of social welfare in Indonesia has begun to be addressed recently, with the Social Safety Net (SSN) initiative. SSN is a social welfare program that was launched by the government of Indonesia to mitigate the deleterious impacts of the economic crisis that hit the nation in 1997. This thesis aims to assess how the SSN accommodated the needs and aspirations of poor women, particularly those who live in rural areas. The rural poor deserve attention because poverty in rural areas is widespread and often intractable, and because poverty in rural areas tends to be more invisible than in urban areas. The urban poor are more visible, because they are “in the face” of the powerful every day, and they are more likely to be able to access agencies of power than the rural poor.

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)