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Previous research shows that there is a demand of enhancing our understanding about the local actor as a mechanism for peacebuilding, suggesting a need for further investigation about the phenomena amid the growing complexity and decentralization of scenes in conflict. The research in this study draws together empirical data on an informal local peace committee (LPC) conducted in Laikipia, northern Kenya; a county which have experienced a multitude of conflict dynamics recently involving state and non-state actors, to know more about their role as local peacebuilders. The case is analyzed through the analytical framework of Peace Formation that have been constructed via feasible ‘post-liberal peace’ components emphasizing local agency in relation to their socio-political environment in order to maintain sustainable processes of peace on the ground. Findings shows that the informal LPC have filled a conflict management and governance vacuum by emerging; and resting on; traditional structures and critical social networks, while at the same time adjusting its services to new landscapes of conflict through illiberal practices, in turn providing explanatory power to the conditions set forward by the analytical framework. Though, findings also reveal that the informal LPC faces several challenges enforced coercively through security forces, political interests by the Kenyan Government, and even the UN-backed peace infrastructure itself. Consequently, the informal LPC expressed retaliation through violence and became accordingly an actor that enforced cycles of conflict on several fronts, instead of just working for peace. Thus, the role of the local actor as a mechanism for peacebuilding remains uncertain in this research, due to the articulation of both peace and conflict activities. In this, a new concept is briefly highlighted for the reader that seeks to move beyond static views of locality, termed ‘grey peacebuilding’.

Analysis of ISIS's Insurgency through the theory of Revolutionary Warfare, by Amerigo Piunti. Ever since the collapse of the brutal Ba'athist regime of Saddam Hussein, the Sunnis of Iraq were struggling as a minority in a nation governed by Shia. The government of Baghdad was constantly ignoring Sunni's grievances, and for many experts, this aspect was a driving point that led to the establishment of the IS Caliphate. Contrary to popular belief, the so-called Islamic State appeared only for the first time in October 2006. Abū Musʿab al-Zarqāwī was the founder and first tenacious leader of the special detachment called "Al-Qaeda in Iraq." This group later on mutated itself into the notorious Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, and it obtained support from international sympathizers and local citizens. The terror group successfully recruited local tribes, experienced fighters and leaders, previous members of the Baathist regime, and it even cooperated with other Jihadists groups. The terror group itself also heavily relied on the spread of Jihadist-Salafist propaganda and eventually created an urgent need for a drastic change in society. The group then expanded its insurgency activities towards Syria, and after only eight years of fighting, it successfully covered each of the necessary stages to...

"In Africa non-state actors (NSAs) are causing an alarming concern with the destruction of the environment and indigenous communities in the name of development; such environmental degradation leaves indigenous or economically marginalized groups in an unsatisfactory environment to their health, standard of living and basic necessitites of life and the land for future development. In most instances, the host country does not get good value from the vast amount of resource extraction. In other words, this kind of investment does not benefit the affected people; rather, it transfers a country's resources outside. In the end the poor pays for the lust of the rich. In some cases, African governments are simply not interested in the impact of the activities of NSAs on the people as they personally benefit from their presence due to corruption. As a result, it is correct to note that 'the local partners (African governments)' are selling indigenous communities on for their personal gain. In spite of the fact that some of these African countries have strong environmental laws in operation, they are often unwilling to force NSAs to comply with environmental rights and labour standards since they badly need the investment and capital that NSAs bring into their economies. Some of these NSAs pressurise national governments and even threaten them with lawsuits to open their doors for them. Others completely close down and relocate in order to blackmail the governments to follow through on the permits after exploration had started. Globalisation and an increase in international trade have joined with the growth of the human rights movement. These dual trends have cast an increasing attention on the role that NSAs play in environmental rights violation throughout the Sub-Saharan African region. The criitical issue in this period of globalisation, and which is also a challenge to it, is the liability and social responsibility of NSAs in times of violation of enviornmental rights, since today they figure prominently within the human rights field. Most of their activities are not in accordance with national or international environmental standards. While NSAs enjoy sovereign immunity within local jurisdictions, primary responsibility lies with states, which in most cases, are held liable for wrongful acts committed by NSAs, since they are regarded as the ultimate guardian of the welfare of their populations. As state authority declines, NSAs play a direct and indirect role in a wide range of environmental human rights violations, and this has now led to a point where there is a need to attach more concrete obligations to them. The thesis provides a framework with which th NSAs can be held directly and indirectly accountable for their role in fuelling the instability in the Sub-Saharan African region. The purpose of the thesis is to determine the approaches or guidelines that can be followed in order to ensure that NSAs behave appropriately in host states in realisation of the right to development by preserving the harmonious environment that local communities are entitled to. The creation of a viable and sustainable environment for everyone is of paramount importance in today's society." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"This study centres on the presumption that, given the unprecedented economic power of corporations, it is vital to clarify the legal issues surrounding the responsibility of corporations for human rights violations and to look at avenues for asserting responsibility. Consequently, this study focuses on the responsibility concept for corporate human rights violations and the objective of this study is to explore, examine and assess various avenues for asserting responsibility for corporate human rights violations. The study recommends other avenues for asserting responsibility for corporate human rights violations in Africa. The study therefore raises four issues. The first phase seeks to focus on how globalisation has triggered the proliferation of corporations in national economies in Africa and the impact on human rights issues taking into cognisance the responsibility concept vis a vis corporations. The second part seeks to examine state responsibility for the acts of corporations. This discussion will focus on the International Rules on State Responsibility and obligations of states under international human rights law with reference to certain human rights instruments that confer a duty on states to respect and to ensure to all citizens within their territories and subject to their jurisdiction the rights recongnised in these instruments. This discussion basically seeks to review the dominant approach to human rights treaties and the relevant instruments to assess the available avenues in asserting responsibility on the state for corporate human rights violations. This study will assess home and host state responsibility and argue that the host state cannot certainly be regarded as the main bearer of responisiblity for violations of human rights due to the powerful characteristics of corporatoins. The jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights will also be taken into consideration in examining the legal responsibility of states under international human rights law for corporate human rights violations. Part three of this study will addres the question of asserting direct responsibility on transnational corporations for human rights violations. While some remarks will be made on non-legal responsibilities or soft law, my interest will however be to examine and assess the suitability of human right principles and instruments that confer direct responsibility on corporations for human rights violations. The discussion will also take cognisance of some treaties that confer direct criminal responsibility on corporations for human rights violations. The fourth and concluding part will attempt to look at the need for internaitonal legally binding regulations of corporations. This discussion will attempt to focus on the application and implications of international legally binding regulation in Africa as a means of reforming and strengthening direct corporate criminal responsibility for human rights violations. Recommendations geared towards the legal reform of asserting direct responsiblity on transnational corporations in Africa will then be made." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Kingsley K. K. Ampofo, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The exclusive focus on the state-centric paradigm of IHRL fails to address the increasing number of an array of private (non-state) actors who may come into play in terms of violations of human rights. Therefore while this study proceeds from the premise that the state is the primary focus of IHRL, it will be argued that the state cannot certainly be deemed the sole bearer of responsibility for human rights violations in view of the increase in the number of potential violators. Consequently, the study aims to address three issues. Firstly, it seeks to investigate the increase in the number of violators of human rights to include non-state actors (particularly transnational (multinational) corporations TNCs) and the effect of this increase on the violations of ESCRs. While the discussion will focus on the accountability of private actors vis-à-vis the protection of ESCRs, the area of civil and political rights is considered no less important. The discussion takes cognisance of the indivisibility and inter-dependence of all human rights in the sense that no precise contours separating all human rights can be said to exist. Secondly, the study seeks to review the dominant approach to human rights including human rights treaties and other relevant instruments to assess their potential in asserting the human rights obligations (including, ESCRs obligations)) of non-state actors. Thirdly and with specific reference to the TNC as a non-state actor in the African context, the study seeks to investigate the challenges to the problem of implementing the accountability of TNCs through the IHRL framework and suggest ways of addressing these challenges. Central focus will be placed on the accountability of TNCs for human rights violations, particularly ESCRs. The choice of TNCs in this study is justified on account of the immense economic power wielded by these entities vis a vis the changing notion of state sovereignty as will be emphasized in chapter 2. At a more specific level, the case study on the problem of accountability of TNCs is narrowed down to an African context particularly for two reasons. Firstly, the problem of control of TNCs is highlighted more in the case of the weaker state in the African context. Secondly, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ recent decision in the SERAC case that forms the basis of the case study in chapter 4 brings into light within a human rights treaty monitoring framework, the challenges of TNC- accountability within the context of Africa." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Tobias van Reenen at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The purpose for this qualitative study is to examine the crime prevention strategies against youth crime within non-state actors' work. As well as obtaining views of successes and challenges of this work in practice. Youth crime is a major area of interest within criminology, and in recent years much interest has been directed at problems that arise in the so-called vulnerable areas of Sweden, where young people are at risk of being drawn into crime. Information has been gathered through semi-structured interviews with nine people representing seven different organizations / associations. The actors work with young people in one way or another through sports activities, mentor programs or independent youth centers; and most actors are active in vulnerable areas. The results show that it seems important to have committed adults in order to engage and gain trust from the young people. Further strategies for activating the young people in prosocial activities is revealed, as well as to spread good attitudes among the youths. The findings are put within the framework of criminological theories in order to discuss / <p>2021-01-13</p>

Examples of state and non-state actors collaborating on issues of global politics abound. Non-state actors are increasingly involved in policy formulation processes, in peace-keeping processes, in human rights and environmental issues by advising governments or inter-governmental organisations. This type of collaboration mostly takes place at the discretion of states. However, non-state actors sometimes appear to initiate diplomatic processes. The Kimberley Process is an example of such a case. States and another non-state actor, namely business, were forced to the negotiating table by NGOs who were effectively raising consumer awareness about the role of diamonds in fuelling conflict and who held the power over launching a possible consumer boycott. Polylateralism is a term that was coined to represent the participation of non-state actors in the conduct of international relations. The study uses the Kimberley Process negotiations from 2000 to 2002 as a case study to analyse the dynamics of polylateral diplomacy by examining the nature and form of interaction between the three sets of actors, namely states, civil society and business in order to understand the role played by each group in both agenda setting and rule making, and the extent to which their interactions conform to the central ideas of polylateralism as advanced by international scholars. In so doing the study examines the evolving mode of interaction between states and non-state actors in the Kimberley Process, the ability of non-state actors to influence diplomatic processes, the extent to which states determined the boundaries of non-state diplomatic involvement and, finally, the limitations of polylateral diplomacy. The study concludes that the apparent increase in collaboration between state and non-state actors in diplomatic processes does not constitute a new method of diplomacy and that this will not change until non-state actors have become recognised polities. It also finds that the involvement of non-state actors in diplomacy, particularly as consumers of diplomatic outcomes is likely to become more-and-more prevalent and that professional diplomats, especially those in developing countries, may have to adapt their working methods in order to benefit from this phenomenon by allowing for a more systematic engagement with non-state actors. Finally, it finds that while the Kimberley Process is a good example of the involvement of non-state actors as producers of diplomatic outcomes, this phenomenon is less likely to reoccur and may well be the exception rather than the rule for the foreseeable future. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

A trend has recently sprung up among several European countries, that have adopted climate laws as a way to deal with the current climate crisis. Comparing these laws, it seems as though there are vast differences between the levels of commitment to take climate action. Especially, one case seems to stand out significantly as it is much more ambitious in many regards: The Danish Climate Act of 2019. What makes this case even more unique is that Danish civil society was heavily involved in the creation of this policy outcome. Thus, with this thesis, I hoped to explore the role of non-state actors in normative shifts in the ways countries and civil society think about and react to CC. Accordingly, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following puzzle: What is the role and influence of the Danish climate movement – posing as norm entrepreneurs – in the adoption of Denmark’s Climate Act?  Using qualitative semi-structured expert interviews, three major explanatory variables were discovered that are likely to have resulted in the adoption of Denmark’s climate law. The first variable concentrates on the strong social cohesion and close relations among various actor-groups in Denmark, while the second contends that various developments intertwined and overlapped in a manner that constituted the perfect timing for the climate movement to act. Together, the interplay between these two major variables facilitated the third major finding of this research project, which argues that the effective character of the social mobilization around the cause, triggered by the strategic agency of the Danish climate movement, has led to the adoption of Denmark’s Climate Act.

Studies in the conflict-climate field usually aim to examine how environmental scarcities canbe linked to conflict, but positive outcomes are generally overlooked. Lately, attention isbeing drawn to the relationship between water scarcity and migration flows. Some researchersargue that efficiency in managing resources is likely to be an imminent issue in migrantreceiving areas and competition over resources are common, especially when they are scarce.As is evident, there is a rule rather than exception that climate related events happensimultaneously, yet few studies do focus on the coupled effect of such climatic events. Torealistically estimate responses to climate change, this study will aim to examine weatherwater scarcity, by itself and in combination with migration-inflow, can encouragecooperation. By using disaggregated data, a sub-analysis was conducted throughout countriesbordering the Mediterranean Sea, covering the years 1997-2009. The results of this studyshow that water scarcity increases the likelihood of non-state cooperation. Overall, thissuggests that water management plays an important role in human interaction and should beconsidered in peacebuilding processes.