Étatique.Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la pensée d’Alberdi et de démontrer qu’elle est, fondamentalement, une pensée de la complexité des catégories fondée sur la conscience du caractère hybride de l’ordre sociopolitique qui lui est contemporain. Alberdi est héritier de deux cultures, une culture traditionnelle d’Ancien Régime et une culture révolutionnaire dont le langage s’est également imposé avec l’Indépendance. La grande question qui se pose à lui est celle de l’ordre à redonner au corps social qui a perdu la légitimité de l’ordre transcendant d’Ancien Régime. L’historiographie traditionnelle a souvent récupéré la figure et les discours du publiciste pour en faire l’éminent précurseur ou représentant de diverses tendances, parfois contradictoires, et notamment, pour l’ériger en figure de proue de la « modernité », du libéralisme contemporain ou encore de l’« État argentin » contemporain. Alberdi est au contraire, encore pleinement imprégné de la culture juridique traditionnelle et il cherche à adapter les langages dont il dispose à la réalité qui est la sienne, dans un aller-retour constant entre réalité et discours, puisque l’une modèle les autres et vice versa. Des catégories comme celles d’« individu », « Liberté », « administration » se sont imposées avec la Révolution, mais le publiciste les resémantise en fonction de son contexte, encore traversé de dynamiques très traditionnelles. L’individu, ainsi, recoupera globalement la catégorie excluante du « vecino ». L’« administration » apparaîtra souvent sous sa plume dans son sens ancien d’« administration de justice » et non pas dans son sens moderne. Par ailleurs, la « modernité » du Tucuman est toute relative puisqu’il laisse un rôle fondamental aux sources de droit traditionnelles et ne s’inscrit dans un volontarisme juridique qu’occasionnellement, et avec précaution. Jouant sur plusieurs échelles, il parle le langage de la modernité politique au niveau national et celui du droit traditionnel au niveau local lequel demeure le socle de stabilité du corps social. Ma thèse est que ce socle traditionnel d’une part, et les catégorie de « commerce » (prise dans sa polysémie) et d’économie politique d’autre part, seront les deux instruments fondamentaux permettant à l’auteur de repenser le lien, de créer une société à partir du corps social traditionnel. Loin de considérer l’ordre au seul niveau national, sa démarche s’inscrit en outre dans une perspective internationale : ce n’est que par l’échange pacifié entre nations que l’on pourra clore le cycle des révolutions atlantiques et retrouver un ordre ; celui-ci sera immanent certes, mais il devra nécessairement transcender le cadre de la nation. / This thesis points to study Alberdi’s thought and to demonstrate that it’s fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime’s transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi’s figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »’s, the contemporary liberalism’s and the contemporary Argentinian State’s figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire “resémantiser”?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice’s administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist’s « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn’t fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity’s language on the national scale and the traditional legal’s one on the local level (local level which remains the stability base of the social body). My thesis is that this traditional base on one hand and the categories of « trade » (understood in his polysemic acceptations) and « political economics » on the other hand will be the two fundamental instruments which enable the autor to rethink the link, to create a society based on the traditional social body. Far from considerating the order on the very national level, his approach also fits into an international perspective : the pacified exchanges between the nations would be the only way to end the atlantic revolutions’s cycle and to recover an order : this order will admittedly be immanent, but it necessarily will transcend the national frame.

許慶豫. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 346-364) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Xu Qingyu. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 346-364) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

吳慕姿. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院敎育學部, 1995. / 參考文獻: leaves 116-122. / Wu Muzi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 問題說明 --- p.1 / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 私校學生人數與普及教育發展 --- p.3 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 就讀私校的學生人數升降的現象 --- p.3 / Chapter (二） --- 港府發展公營中小學敎育的各個階段，各階段中港府的私校政策以至各 階段中的私校發展 --- p.4 / Chapter 第二節 --- 國家理論與香港私校發展 --- p.7 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 政府政策作爲國家行動和霸權工程 --- p.7 / Chapter (二） --- 國家作爲行動者 --- p.7 / Chapter (三） --- 國家工程(State Project)、霸權工程(Hegemonic Project)和國家 果效（State Effect) --- p.8 / Chapter (四） --- 有關推展霸權工程的策略 --- p.10 / Chapter (五） --- 應用國家理論來分析香港具況 --- p.11 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻評述 --- p.13 / Chapter 第一節 --- 國家(state )的自主性(autonomy ) --- p.13 / Chapter (一) --- 自由主義學派 --- p.13 / Chapter (二） --- 馬克斯及新馬克斯主義理論 --- p.16 / Chapter (三） --- 國家主義者（statist)的立場 --- p.22 / Chapter (四） --- Bob Jessop的策略性關係性角度 (strategic-relational approach ) --- p.23 / Chapter (五） --- 有關如何推展霸權工程的策略 --- p.26 / Chapter 第二節 --- 如何應用國家理論於解釋香港的具體情況 --- p.30 / Chapter (一） --- 如何應用國家理論於本研究中 --- p.30 / Chapter (二） --- 體系層面 --- p.32 / Chapter (三） --- 制度性層面 --- p.35 / Chapter (四） --- 政治運作層面 --- p.39 / Chapter (五） --- 三種層面的因素透過一項工程去整合 --- p.42 / Chapter 第三章 --- 硏究設計 --- p.43 / Chapter 第一節 --- 分析架構 --- p.43 / Chapter 第二節 --- 分析架構中採用的重要概念及名詞的界說 --- p.45 / Chapter (一) --- 「國家」在本硏究裏的意義 --- p.45 / Chapter (二） --- 國家政策、教育政策、私校政策 --- p.46 / Chapter (三） --- 私校、私立中學和私立中學發展 --- p.47 / Chapter (四） --- 受助學買位 --- p.48 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劃分階段 --- p.48 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 1949年至1967年的私校發展情況及背景 --- p.48 / Chapter (二） --- 1968年至1988年私立中學發展情況及背景 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四節 --- 研究問題 --- p.52 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 1949年至1967年的私校發展情況及背景 --- p.52 / Chapter (二） --- 1968年至1988年私立中學發展情況及背景 --- p.52 / Chapter 第五節 --- 研究方法 --- p.53 / Chapter 第六節 --- 研究限制 --- p.56 / Chapter 第四章 --- 國家性質的轉變及其對私校政策的影響 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- Mini mal state時期香港政府對私立中學的政策 --- p.59 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 來自體系性層面的因素 --- p.59 / Chapter (二） --- 來自制度性層面的因素 --- p.61 / Chapter (三） --- 來自政治運作層面的因素 --- p.62 / Chapter 第二節 --- Mini mal state 性質轉變與教育政策轉變 --- p.63 / Chapter 第三節 --- 教育政策轉變作為國家行動 --- p.68 / Chapter ´(إ) --- 來自體系性層面的因素 --- p.68 / Chapter (二） --- 來自制度性層面的因素 --- p.70 / Chapter (三） --- 來自政治運作層面的因素 --- p.78 / Chapter 第五章 --- 蒙混過關（Muddling Through)式的學額擴展過程 --- p.80 / Chapter 第六章 --- 吸納與排´拒´ؤؤ從國家理論觀點看私校轉津問題 --- p.88 / Chapter 第一節 --- 公營中學教育擴展，辦學團體情況出現出現什麽轉變? --- p.88 / Chapter 第二節 --- 哪些學校是吸納的對象 --- p.92 / Chapter 第三節 --- 被吸納與不被吸納反映政府如何選取合作伙伴 --- p.95 / Chapter 第七章 --- 私校政策作爲霸權工程的一部分 --- p.99 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 --- p.108 / Chapter 第一節 --- 研究結果 --- p.108 / Chapter 第二節 --- 研究的意義和局限 --- p.110 / 註釋 --- p.112 / 參考書目 --- p.116 / 附錄一 --- p.124 / 附録二 --- p.131 / 附錄三 --- p.135 / 附錄四 --- p.138 / 附録五 --- p.148

何翰庭 = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 105-119. / 中英文摘要. / He Hanting = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 鳴謝 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 硏究動機 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 硏究回顧略述 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 參考資料與硏究方法 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 劉良模的生平略述 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 劉良模的救國思想 --- p.23 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 劉良模早期的改良思想 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 對共產黨的認識和支持 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 留美九年的經歷 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 劉良模的教會改造思想 --- p.57 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 中共建國前中國基督徒對政治的態度 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 劉良模對新中國的認同 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 劉良模的三自改造思想 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 劉良模與基督教的改造 / Chapter 六´Ø --- 劉良模的「基督教思想」 / Chapter 七´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 總結 --- p.99 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 「紅色基督徒」在新政權中的作用 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 宗教信仰對劉良模的意義 / 參考資料 --- p.105 / 附錄 --- p.120 / 劉良模的生平照片 / 民眾歌詠會情況 / 三十年代基督教青年會舊址現貌 / 美國賓夕凡尼亞大學圖書館檔案部回覆筆者信函：關於劉良模的檔案

胡務. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (p. 258-262) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Hu Wu. / Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (p. 258-262) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues. / This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony. / 肖文明. / Adviser: Hoi-man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xiao Wenming.

歐陽敬孝. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 248-270). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Ouyang Jingxiao. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 248-270).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:01:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruy Barboza de Oliveira Junior.pdf: 1151802 bytes, checksum: 83d5696d2889974f8e6eb9dd0b17cb88 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-29 / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo refletir sobre os impactos das políticas educacionais do segundo mandato Governo Paulo Hartung junto ao trabalho docente da rede estadual capixaba. As políticas estão situadas entre os anos de 2006-2010 e compreendem o processo de reorganização do projeto da educação pública da rede estadual de ensino, instalado no período de pós reforma do Estado mínimo, em que se restabelece no Espírito Santo, o contrato da função social da escola e impõe uma nova relação entre governo, sociedade e profissionais da educação. O argumento desenvolvido é que este processo político gerou uma nova formatação do trabalho docente em no Espírito Santo. A pesquisa foi realizada a partir da análise bibliográfica de autores clássicos da sociologia e da política, além de leitura da bibliografia nacional de importantes professores do campo da educação brasileira. E, ademais, a revisão bibliográfica se pautou nos autores referências no trabalho docente, que integram o campo das políticas educacionais no Brasil, do Grupo de Estudo Sobre Política Educacional e Trabalho Docente (GESTRADO/UFMG), da Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Educação, ANPED, no Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais (NEPE/UFES) que compõem o quadro teórico da presente pesquisa. Na análise documental, foi selecionado os projetos de lei e portarias que regulam o sistema de educação da rede estadual de ensino do Espírito Santo de maior relevância, a lei subsídio do magistério estadual (Lei complementar nº 428 de 18 de Dezembro de 2007), o currículo básico comum, a implementação do sistema estadual de avaliação em larga escala, através do Programa de Avaliação da Educação Básica do Espírito Santo PAEBES, do Índice de Desenvolvimento Escolar, do bônus desempenho (Lei Complementar nº 504 de 23 de Novembro de 2009). Na análise quantitativa analisou-se os dados do surveyreferentes a Rede Estadual de Ensino do Estado do Espirito Santo, aplicado na pesquisa O trabalho docente na Educação Básica no Brasil , realizada com a coordenação do Gestrado e do NEPE. O presente trabalho compreende que os anos de 2006-2010 trata do período histórico sob o qual se realizou uma nova regulação do trabalho docente, com o agravamento de sua precarização, em que se predominou o ápice do projeto gerenciale tecnocrático na rede estadual de ensino do ES, sob a base das noções do produtivismo, desempenho, eficiência e eficácia / This dissertation aims to discuss the impact of educational policies implemented by Paulo Hartung Government during his second term, specifically the teaching policies situated between the years 2006-2010. Theses policies included the reorganization of the entire state public system, initially installed during the post reform of the minimal state ( Estado Minimo), in which the school social function contract is restored. It also imposed a new relationship between government, society and education professionals, generating a new teaching format in the State of Espirito Santo. This research was conducted based on literary reviews of classical authors in the field of sociology, political sciences, education and historiography. In addition to the classical authors, this work also includes current authors, professionals and professors who are leading national references in the field of educational teaching policies in Brazil. It also includes some research groups such as the Study Group on Education Policy and Docent work (GESTRADO / UFMG), the National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in Education (ANPED), part of the research group in Educational Studies (NEPE / UFES) that comprises the theoretical framework on this research. For the document analysis were selected laws and ordinances considered to be of greatest importance. These laws and ordinances regulates the state schools educational system, some of them are: the government funding law (Complementary Law No. 428 of December 18, 2007), the core curriculum implementation and assessment ordinances, implemented on a large scale through the State Program of Basic Education Assessment of the state of Espirito Santo - (PAEBES), the Development School Index, and the performance bonuses (Complementary Law No. 504 of November 23, 2009). In the quantitative analysis was used the data collected in the Espirito Santo State Schools trough a Survey conducted, entitled "The docent work in the primary and secondary Educational system in Brazil" coordinated by Gestrado and NEPE. Finally, this work investigates a historical period from 2006 to 2010 in which the whole educational system became precarious due to the new set of regulations and policies implemented. This new technocratic and managerial project established and disseminated itself based on the notions of productivity, performance and efficiency

On March 10, 1957, the United States Army Corps of Engineers completed The Dalles Dam and inundated Celilo Falls, the oldest continuously inhabited site in North America and a cultural and economic hub for Indigenous people. In the negotiation of treaties between the United States, nearly one hundred years earlier, Indigenous leaders reserved access to Columbia River fishing sites as they ceded territory and retained smaller reservations. In the years before the dam's completion, leaders, many of who were the descendants of earlier treaty signatories, attempted to stop the dam and protect both fishing sites from the encroachment of state and federal regulations and archaeological sites from destruction. This study traces the work of Wilson Charley, a Native fisherman, a member of the Yakama Nation's Tribal Council, and great-grandson of one of the 1855 treaty signatories. More broadly, this study places Indigenous actors on a twentieth-century Columbia River while demonstrating that they played active roles in the protest and management of areas affected by The Dalles Dam. Using previously untapped archival sources--a substantial cache of letters--my analysis illustrates that Charley articulated multiple strategies to fight The Dalles Dam and regulations to curtail Native's treaty fishing rights. Aiming to protect the 1855 treaty and stop The Dalles Dam, Charley created Native-centered regulatory agencies. He worked directly with politicians and supported political candidates, like Richard Neuberger, that favored Native concerns. He attempted to build partnerships with archaeologists and landscape preservationists concerned about losing the area's rich cultural sites. Even after the dam's completion, he conceptualized multiple tribal economic development plans that would allow for Natives' cultural and economic survival. Given the national rise of technological optimism and the willingness for the federal government to terminate its relationship with federally recognized tribes, Charley realized that taking the 1855 treaty to court was too risky for the political climate of the 1950s. Instead, he framed his strategies in the language of twentieth-century conservation, specifically to garner support from a national audience of non-natives interested in protecting landscapes from industrial development. While many of these non-native partners ultimately failed him, his strategies are noteworthy for three reasons. First, he cast the fight to uphold Native treaty rights in terms that were relevant to non-natives, demonstrating his complex understanding of the times in which he lived. Second, his strategies continued an ongoing struggle for Natives to fish at their treaty-protected sites, thereby documenting an overlooked period between the fishing rights cases of the turn of the twentieth century and the 1960s and 1970s. Charley left a lasting legacy that scholars have not recognized because many of his visionary ideas came to fruition decades later. Finally, my analysis of Charley's letters also documents personal details that afford readers the unique perspective of one Indigenous person navigated through a tumultuous period in the Pacific Northwest and Native American history.

This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.