Orientador: Jose Luís Sanfelice / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T13:03:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Godoi_LidianyCristinadeOliveira_D.pdf: 1400258 bytes, checksum: 702e76c49f49f5ce078c0b152d3fd69d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A educação escolarizada assume certa centralidade nos debates políticos ocorridos no final do século XIX no Brasil, alcançando uma grande relevância social. Neste contexto se inscreve a primeira reforma da instrução pública paulista (1892). Projeto bastante auspicioso à época, expressou o desejo dos republicanos de estender a escolarização formal às massas populares, instituindo a obrigatoriedade do ensino primário. A profissionalização do corpo docente, a racionalização do tempo, a instituição do ensino graduado, simultâneo e do método intuitivo, os edifícios construídos para os primeiros grupos escolares e a aquisição de materiais didáticos inovadores foram considerados símbolos de modernização do ensino e de propaganda da jovem República. Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar a primeira reforma da instrução pública paulista a partir de uma revisão problematizadora e crítica da historiografia que se dedicou a compreendê-la. Esta historiografia concebe, em grande medida, o projeto reformador como resultado de um consenso entre o Estado e uma elite intelectual e política, no qual não se veem presentes os matizes e as visões de mundo que lhe conformaram. Concentra-se, portanto, nos debates travados em 1891, procurando compreender o seu significado naquele momento histórico, as concepções de educação incorporadas, bem como aquelas abandonadas, tendo em vista as disputas políticas do momento, especialmente as que ocorreram no Partido Republicano Paulista e que, por sua vez, influenciaram sobremaneira os rumos traçados para a reforma do ensino / Abstract: School-based education becomes central in the political debates that took place in Brazil in the late nineteenth century, reaching out great social relevance. It was in this context that the First Reform of São Paulo¿s Public Instruction (1892) occurs. A very promising project at the time, the 1892 reform expressed the wishes of local republicans to provide formal education to the popular masses, making primary education compulsory. The professionalization of teachers, the rationalization of time, the institution of a graduated-based, simultaneous, and intuitive scholar system, the buildings built for the first schools¿ groups, and the acquisition of innovative materials for the schools were considered symbols of modernity in teaching and of propaganda of the recently established Brazilian Republic. This PhD thesis aims at analyzing the First Reform of São Paulo¿s Public Instruction through a critical assessment of the literature focused on understanding her. In general, this literature takes the reformist project as a result of a consensus reached between the São Paulo State Government and a political and intellectual elite, without taking into consideration the worldview that shaped the minds of the actors involved. This thesis emphasizes, therefore, the debates that took place in 1891, attempting to understand its meaning at that particular historical context, the conceptions of teaching incorporated by the actors, as well as those that had been abandoned by the political disputes of the time, particularly those that took place inside the São Paulo¿s Republican Party (Partido Republicano Paulista, PRP), and that, by its turn, have greatly influenced the paths drawn for the Reform of the Public Instruction / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutora em Educação

朱宇晶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 308-326) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Yujing.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.

Agricultural development has long been the biggest challenge faced by governments or rulers of many countries and regions, be it in the past or at present. It affects the various political, social and economic development aspects of a country or region. Based on various long-term and short-term social needs, the authorities have attempted to find a suitable balance, searching constantly for feasible methods to manage agriculture, in the hope of harmonising the interests of peasant households, consumers and the ruling class through administrative measures. This has resulted in continuous adjustments in agricultural policies and effectively affected the development of agriculture as well as the well-being of farmers and the general public. / As an entrepot, Hong Kong had very little arable land. The number of people engaged in farming, either directly or indirectly, was dwarfed by the consumer population. How to provide the large population with sufficient food, enabling it to be a driver behind economic development? This question became an important political issue for the Hong Kong colonial government for more than 100 years. Sino-British relations fluctuated considerably after the Second World War and this made agricultural development a thorny problem for the colonial government. In the course of studying 60 years of agricultural development, the most striking impression is that the Hong Kong colonial government was totally involved in agricultural production in the New Territories through the systematic promotion of the cooperative movement involving production, transport and marketing. This had made contribution to Hong Kong's unique political and social environment. / This thesis reconstructs the agricultural history of Hong Kong in the post-war period. It explores the profound influence that the Agricultural Cooperative Movement has on the political ecosystem of the villages in the New Territories, economic efficiency and human relations in rural communities. / 陳煜禮. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 226-230). / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0713. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 226-230). / Chen Yuli.

By reconstructing the interaction between the indigenous people and the Chinese state over a long period of time from the Tang dynasty to the Qing, this thesis argues that the anomaly of indigenous contact with the state in the southwest, unlike the Pearl River delta or even Fujian, is the very long duration of contact and the persistent representation of the indigenous as part of the dominant (Han) tradition, despite the Han claim to superiority. / In my visits to Gaozhou, Leizhou and Hainan, I was attracted by the interesting phenomenon that Madam Xian (Xian Furen) or the God of Thunder (Lei shen) is worshiped not only as a deity, but also as an ancestor. The deities had been blended in with the ancestor because in the late imperial period, local people had changed the foci of their territorial worship as they became become part of the Chinese polity. / This paper draws on a variety of sources---including official documents, the images of the subjection of the natives, the temples, and the performance of ritual and so on---to voice the indigenous point of view. It goes into the history of Hainan, Leizhou and Gaozhou to relate changing religious practices with social changes and the contact between the indigenous and the state. It also relates history to ritual practices as they are currently observed. By bringing together published historical sources, steles and documents found in the field and current observations of ritual practices, this thesis shows that the imperial tradition was made up of many different strands. / 賀喜. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 261-276). / Adviser: David Faure. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0714. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 261-276). / He Xi.

Research findings suggest clear differentiation of institutional identities through time. Before 1978 when China embarked upon a process of ambitions reform efforts, the typical image of a university was 'a university of the masses', which actually relegated them to a 'tool' for the powers that be. After the Cultural Revolution, universities adopted the role of a 'frontier' and a 'national builder'. However, with the presence of the state and its tight ideological control, universities around that time were labeled as 'socialist universities' under the leadership of the party. Since 1992, universities have become increasingly involved in the market as the 'market economic system' has been developed and China has become more active in the global economy. The logic of the market and its mechanisms are no longer novel to universities. A trend forward corporatization can even be identified in the higher sector. / Since the late 1970s, higher education has undergone significant reform across the world, from the Western countries to the Chinese Mainland. In the Chinese Mainland, a central theme in higher education reform has been the debate on the construction of organizational forms for higher institutions. / The concept of 'identity' is adopted as the focus of research. Organization theorists believe that an organization, like a person, has an identity in modern society. Organizational identity, moreover, is closely related to the state and the market. It is argued that an organizational identity is usually constructed as a result of the interaction between the institution, the state, and the market. In this context, the change and re-constitution of the identity of Chinese universities are explored. This study adopts the nattative approach and Peking University is selected as the case for study. / The major underpinning of the study is that China is still---by centralized administration. Between 1949 and 1978, the characteristics of universities were mainly constructed between the state and universities in the presence of a planned economic system and the absence of a market. Since the implementation of which the market was introduced to the higher education as a spere for exploration, the state has remained the most important and the most powerful 'stakeholder'. Thus, many characteristics of the corporatization of Chinese higher education differ from those in the West. Some superficial, or even distorted forms of corporation can be identified in China. However, little significant change has taken place in terms of the organizational structure and administration governance of higher institutions. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) / The purpose of this study is to explore what has happed to universities under reform and to depict the universities present today. It is hoped that the study can contribute to our understanding of the kind of change that have affected universities, and to help us reflect on past decisions, policies, and incidents. Dicusions change will further illuminate the complex relationships between the state, university and the market. / 羅雲. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 133-149). / Advisers: Nai Kwai Leslie Lo; Wing Kwong Tsang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-03, Section: A, page: 0907. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 133-149). / Luo Yun.

As all above, Ven. Ju Zan served as an active coordinator between the central government and Buddhist sanga, tried his best to avoid the potential contradiction during the adaptation of Chinese Buddhism to socialism. Confronted with the inevitable social-political reformation launched by the powerful communist regime, Ju Zan did not fully surrender his faith, but did whatever he can to make Buddhism survive from the dramatic changes. / As the Korean War broke out in 1950, Chinese government decided to send a voluntary army to the front line and mobilized the whole country to support the war. Ven. Ju Zan reinterpreted the Mahayana doctrine, emphasized the concept of compassionate killing and repayment of kindness based on patriotism, justified the legitimacy of Buddhist participation in the Resist America Aid Korea Movement. And the Buddhists successfully proved their patriotic and political loyalty to the socialist regime. / The main purpose of this research is to survey how Chinese Buddhism adopted itself to socialism though the case study of Ven. Ju Zan during the founding period of People' Republic of China. Since the communists assumed power, the new government carried out a series of socialist reform in order to reconstruct the whole society. Buddhists also have to make adjustment for survival. / To adapt the ideological change after 1949, many progressive Buddhist scholars tried to link up Buddhism and Marxism, created a type of new Buddhist doctrine system with the name of Buddho-Marxist Syncretism. The main concern of these syncretists was clarifying the validity of Buddhism in the socialist era. Although Ven. Ju Zan believed that Buddhism and Marxism are consistent, he noticed the potential risk of excessive demonstration would blur the boundary between them. Then Ju Zan persuaded all the Buddhists should pay more attention to the Self Remolding Movement. / Ven. Ju Zan played a distinctive role as the leader during this adapting process. The innovation of Chinese Buddhism after 1949 can be regarded as the legacy of the Buddhist reform initiated by Master Taixu in the Republic period. Ju Zan is an excellent follower of Tai Xu and greatly influenced by him. Ju Zan is also an activist with critical consciousness. After the death of Mater Tai Xu in 1947 and the triumph of Chinese Communist Party in the civil war, he decided to cooperate with the communist regime and carry out the refonn of Buddhism. Ju Zan submitted a reform plan of Chinese Buddhism to the central government, advocated self labor of the sanga, which may develop a lifestyle for Chinese Buddhism in the circumstance of the Land Reform and the socialist transformation of national economy. / 竇亞平. / Adviser: Yu Xue. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-208). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Dou Yaping.

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870 / The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870.

This dissertation examines the political origins of Loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1778. Anchored by an analysis of political mobilization, this dissertation is structured into two parts. Part I has two chapters. Using a variety of private and public sources, the first chapter analyses how 9,338 mostly white male Loyalists in New York City and the counties of Kings, Queens, Suffolk and Westchester were mobilized. Chapter 1 argues that elites and British forces played a fundamental role in the broad-based mobilization of Loyalists in the province of New York. It also recognises that colonists signed Loyalist documents for many different reasons. The second chapter of Part I is a large-scale prosopographical analysis of the 9,338 identified Loyalists. This analysis was based on a diverse range of sources. This analysis shows that a majority of the province’s Loyalist population were artisans aged between 22 and 56 years of age. Part II of this dissertation examines political mobilization in New York City between 1768 and 1775. In three chapters, Part II illustrates how elite and non-elite white male New Yorkers coalesced into two distinct groups. Chapter 3 concentrates on the emergence of the DeLanceys as a political force in New York, Chapter 4 on their mobilization and coalescence into ‘the Friends to Liberty and Trade’, or ‘the Club’, and Chapter 5 examines the political origins of what became Loyalism by studying the social networks of three members of ‘the Club’. By incorporating an interdisciplinary methodology, Part II illustrates that members of ‘the Club’ developed ties with one another that transcended their political origins. It argues that the partisanship of New York City led members of ‘the Club’ to adopt inward-looking characteristics that affected who they interacted with on an everyday basis. A large proportion of ‘the Club’’s members became Loyalists in the American Revolution. This dissertation argues that it was the partisanship that they developed during the late 1760s and early 1770s that defined their allegiance.