Local tobacco industry has developed for a hundred years since Taiwan under Japanese governed, it was once the main fiscal income source of the state. Coming after the facts of the formation of the global tobacco market, the affiliation to the World Trade Organization of Taiwan and the change of Taiwan Tobacco and Wine Monopoly Bureau to Taiwan Tobacco and Liquor Corporation, the statement of globalists which claims that the role of state declined becomes overwhelming. But according to this research, the tobacco industry in Taiwan actually has been nurtured by the state. From farmers growing tobacco leaf to consumers using the tobacco product, the state has the related norms and institutions to rule. Especially the period of Japanese government and the early retrocession of Taiwan, governments sought to pursue the fiscal income. For the reason of fiscal income, they controlled the whole tobacco industry from growing, harvest, marketing and consumption of tobacco. After the Sino-US agreement on tobacco and alcohol, the social anti-tobacco consciousness was awakened. The state also recognized the importance of the health of people. On the one hand, the state has to look after the rights of people who don't smoke, on the other, to consolidate the righteousness and the legitimacy of governing. In other words, the role of state doesn't decline for the part of tobacco industry in Taiwan, on the contrary, the state intervenes because of different goals. This thesis applies the theory of state-centered as the main research approach, to investigate the development of the tobacco industry in Taiwan, and compares the different focal points of interventions of the state. Otherwise, this thesis also emphasizes the interaction of the state, the domestic society and the international system, the interaction of the foregoing actos will shape the goals of the state.

A mudança do paradigma produtivo, adotado após a segunda guerra mundial, começou nos anos 1970 e provocou fortes impactos na economia, na política e no mercado de trabalho mundialmente. Mais países e trabalhadores se vincularam às cadeias produtivas globais das empresas multinacionais, mas as condições de trabalho decaíram em comparação com o paradigma anterior e em vários países até mesmo as normas fundamentais de trabalho passaram a ser violadas de forma constante. Estas normas, que compõem o regime trabalhista internacional, emanam da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Uma vez ratificadas pelos seus países membros, cabe a eles fazê-las cumprir por intermédio da sua legislação e poder coercitivo. Uma série de reformas do Estado reduziu este poder e levou os sindicatos a buscarem mecanismos supranacionais para defender as normas de trabalho e esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar os efeitos da atuação transnacional dos sindicatos sobre o regime internacional do trabalho, com ênfase sobre os arranjos públicos e privados que o compõem. / The productive paradigm adopted after the Second World War started to change in the 1970ies and provoked strong impacts on the world economy, its politics as well as the labor market. More countries and workers engaged with multinational corporations global production chains but the labor conditions declined in comparison with the former paradigm and even core labor standards got constantly violated in several countries. These norms arise from the International Labor Organization and are part of the labor regime. Once ratified by its member countries its up to them to enforce their accomplishment through their legislations and coercive power. However some state reforms reduced this power and led the trade unions to seek for supranational mechanisms to defend the labor standards and this research aims to analyze the effects of the unions transnational relations on the international labor regime with emphasis on its public and private arrangements.

A mudança do paradigma produtivo, adotado após a segunda guerra mundial, começou nos anos 1970 e provocou fortes impactos na economia, na política e no mercado de trabalho mundialmente. Mais países e trabalhadores se vincularam às cadeias produtivas globais das empresas multinacionais, mas as condições de trabalho decaíram em comparação com o paradigma anterior e em vários países até mesmo as normas fundamentais de trabalho passaram a ser violadas de forma constante. Estas normas, que compõem o regime trabalhista internacional, emanam da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Uma vez ratificadas pelos seus países membros, cabe a eles fazê-las cumprir por intermédio da sua legislação e poder coercitivo. Uma série de reformas do Estado reduziu este poder e levou os sindicatos a buscarem mecanismos supranacionais para defender as normas de trabalho e esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar os efeitos da atuação transnacional dos sindicatos sobre o regime internacional do trabalho, com ênfase sobre os arranjos públicos e privados que o compõem. / The productive paradigm adopted after the Second World War started to change in the 1970ies and provoked strong impacts on the world economy, its politics as well as the labor market. More countries and workers engaged with multinational corporations global production chains but the labor conditions declined in comparison with the former paradigm and even core labor standards got constantly violated in several countries. These norms arise from the International Labor Organization and are part of the labor regime. Once ratified by its member countries its up to them to enforce their accomplishment through their legislations and coercive power. However some state reforms reduced this power and led the trade unions to seek for supranational mechanisms to defend the labor standards and this research aims to analyze the effects of the unions transnational relations on the international labor regime with emphasis on its public and private arrangements.

新國家主義為政治學研究途徑之新途徑 係針對國家自主性高低與國家能 力強弱 進行動態之研究 舉凡國家內部歷史演變過程 不同政策產出 以及 國際間政治 經濟 文化等各方面之互動影響 均為新國家主義之研究範疇 本論文經由觀察國家偏好轉移趨勢 探究我國實行民主化前後階段之國家 自主性程度與國家能力展現 檢視我國文官考選制度之演進 逐一闡釋並輾 轉剖析新國家主義與我國文官考選制度兩者之間的因果關係 期以宏觀超 然的角度 結合理論與實務 嘗試評估現代國家文官體系發展 進而提出個 人意見 藉以促進我國文官考選制度得以更公正公平 公開 為本論文之研 究重點