No description available.

No description available.

In this paper I attempt to research the modern Swedish minority and minority language policy. Motivated by the commitment made by the Swedish state to help and strengthen the minority groups through ratification of the Council of Europe “Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities” after a long history of oppressing the nations minorities. This is done through the theoretical framework of poststructuralism as described by Carole Bacchi guiding the understanding of policy actors and the way policy is problem-creating. Further Target Group Theory as described by Schneider & Ingram is used to further the understanding of how minority groups in Sweden are viewed by policy creators and the public, adding to the creation of minorities as actors and to the problem-creating of policy. The material used is the proposition 2008/09: 158 Från Erkännande till Egenmakt Regeringens strategi för de nationella minoritetsspråken. To accomplish the analysis the method What’s the Problem Represented to be? as developed by Carole Bacchi is utilised. The material is analysed through the WPR-lens and the analysis is further deepened through TGT. The findings reveal a great deal of problem representations ranging from governance-related issues to lacking power within the minority communities. The policy actors are described in a myriad of ways, from the strong and responsible state-apparatus to the weak minority groups, and to the unable or unwilling local and regional governments and institutions. Through TGT the minority groups are further analysed as being weak and positively viewed, while backed by their more powerful but still positively viewed interest groups.

Uppsatsens syfte är att besvara tre frågor: vad friskolornas representanter upplever att anledningen är att friskolor etablerar sig i utsatta områden, hur de kommunala skolornas representanter uppfattar att det påverkar dem där och hur det påverkar möjligheten till integration för eleverna. Fallet som undersöks är Rinkeby-Kista stadsdelsområde. Frågorna besvaras med hjälp av deskriptiv statistik och intervjuer med representanter från friskolor och kommunala skolor. Resultatet visar att friskolor i huvudsak har etablerat sig i utkanten av de mest utsatta områdena. De har identifierat en efterfrågan på utbildning i dessa områden och lockar många elever från hela stadsdelsområdet. De kommunala skolornas representanter menar på att friskolorna inte accepterar alla elever, vilket segregerar mellan resurssvaga och resursstarka elever i området. Slutligen pekar resultatet på att eleverna i Rinkeby-Kista byter skola mer ofta än i andra områden. Dessa byten kan ske på flyktiga grunder, så som att föräldrar granskas av skola eller socialtjänst. Detta ger en osäker och bruten skolgång för eleverna.

Den svenska skolan är idag ett högst debatterat och omtalat område.1 Många inom och utanför skolan vill yttra sig om både det ena och det andra. Inte helt oväntat så har likvärdigheten kommit att ställas i rampljuset för att diskuteras. Denna studie är utförd för att finna utmaningar och möjligheter kring detta ämne och ge verktyg för lärare att belysa utmaningar, möjligheter och arbetssätt med det kompensatoriska uppdraget.Studien behandlar frågeställningarna “Hur jobbar de intervjuade lärarna med det kompensatoriska uppdraget”, “Kan utmaningar och möjligheter med skollagens likvärdighetskrav identifieras i de intervjuades utsagor” och “Kan arbetssätt med det kompensatoriska uppdraget identifieras för läraren?” studien använder sig av ett reflektivt skoldidaktiskt ramverk med en kvalitativ fenomenografisk ansats.Textens disposition introducerar läsaren till utmaningar och möjligheter med det kompensatoriska uppdraget och likvärdighetsbegreppet, med efterföljande frågeställningar knutna till problemformuleringen och den reflektiva skoldidaktiska teorin. Därefter kommer en forskningsöversikt kring det kompensatoriska uppdraget på ett generellt plan men även där konkreta arbetssätt i strävan mot det kompensatoriska uppdraget lyfts fram. Därefter introduceras Uljens reflektiva skoldidaktiska teori och modell och hur denna ska användas i utformandet av intervjufrågorna och användningen av teorin för utvärdering och planering. Empirin är baserad på fyra lärares utsagor om det kompensatoriska uppdraget kopplat till planering och utvärdering. Slutligen analyseras deras svar genom att återkoppla till frågeställningarna och användningen av Uljens reflektiva skoldidaktiska teori. Avslutningsvis lyfts en allmän diskussion baserat på resultatet av studien.

Despite the EU’s profound commitment to uphold and promote democracy, scholars have throughout the years argued that the organization suffers from two separate, although seemingly related, democratic paradoxes and deficits: one focusing on the supranational EU-level and the Union at large, one addressing the national EU-level and the member-state components of the system. Despite the shared themes and verdicts of the EU as democratically defective – little to no attention has yet been paid to elaborate on how these debates might be connected.  In this thesis, by drawing on insights and perspectives from legitimacy theory, I find many similarities but also conflicting values and policy-recommendations between the two debates. Further, I argue that the debates appear to be linked not only by sharing a theoretical ground, but also as a policy-recommendation from the first debate might have contributed to entrench the unfolding developments leading up to the second debate.

No description available.

In recent years, progressive decisions have been made concerning abortion in Latin America, which impacts the lives of millions of women. The mobilisation and framing of abortion by social movements have been a part of these changes. This thesis investigates the abortion movement in Colombia, who legalised abortion this year, by studying how proponents and opponents of the movement uses human rights frames in their campaigns. The purpose of the paper is to determine if and what types of human rights frames are used, and by which groups. Through a qualitative content analysis of documents from 10 organisations for and against abortion, an analytical framework building on previous research is constructed and applied on the material. The result shows that human rights frames are used by the majority of the organisations. Supporting previous research, women’s right to health and autonomy are frames widely used by proponents and the right to life by opponent groups. However, the result also contrasted earlier studies as opponent organisations didn’t use foetus or children as right-holders. The findings contribute to the research field of social movements and human rights frames by gaining a deepened understanding of how proponents and opponents of the abortion movement interact and which frames that are more central in the debate.

Within research about climate change and its impact on the policy process, there are different theoretical perspectives that are used separately to try to explain what influences the policy process. The fact that these perspectives are used separately creates an opportunity to use these perspectives together to better examine part of the policy process, more specifically agenda-setting. The importance of studying agenda-setting is the understanding of how a depiction of an issue can make it seem important. The purpose of this thesis is to empirically map which different events have an impact on public documents and how long they remain inthe documents, in a way to concretize the two theoretical perspectives to try to understand what is influencing agenda setting. The method that will be used is a quantitative content analysis, to describe the content of the public documents with the help of a dataset that will be created. The results show a decrease in the incidence of documents relating to specific natural disasters, while documents generally about natural disasters increase over time. However, the results differ between the different types of natural disasters, which makes it difficult to draw a clear conclusion. What can be said, however, is that the understanding of what is influencing and creating agenda setting, is facilitated by the use of several theoretical perspectives together.

Political scientist Cas Mudde predicted, shortly after the beginning of the 2000s, that the world was facing a populist spirit of the times. Although research on populist parties’ attitudes towards the EU has increased, their attitude towards European politics is still relatively unknown. Given that most EU Member States have prominent populist parties, their views on defense and security policy, in particular EU cooperation on these issues, when the security situation in Europe has changed, are of the utmost relevance. It is therefore particularly interesting to study the right-wing populist parties’ attitude to EU defense cooperation, as they tend to have the greatest opposition to EU integration. Henke and Maher (2021) made an attempt to develop a theoretical framework for the probability that populist parties will limit European defense cooperation in their study. As the study does not include Nordic right-wing populist parties, this descriptive case study, in the form of a text analysis, will analyze the attitude of the three Nordic right-wing populist parties Sweden Democrats, Danish People’s Party and True Finns to EU defense cooperation. The political parties are analyzed on the basis of four dimensions: their recommendation on the position of national defense forces, their attitude towards integrated military forces, their perception of national security threats and their attitude towards general defense cooperation in the EU. The results show that the parties agree in their attitude to the position of the national defense force and in their opposition to a specific EU-army, while they differ on other issues. Overall, the parties are less likely to limit EU defense cooperation.