Areas that are considered to be deprived neighborhoods have become an increasingly debated subject within the public debate in Sweden, which has led to the uprising of political issues concerning migration in the Swedish society. This leads to the interest of examining how deprived neighborhoods are portrayed by the media in news articles. By analyzing this, the purpose is to receive a further understanding of what the discourse looks like within the public debate and what consequences that arise from this.      Through the use of a discourse analysis and a qualitative text analysis media’s representation of deprived neighborhoods has been investigated. The results found shows that the discourse is critical and negative which creates a stigmatization within the debate. These neighborhoods are described as criminalized and segregated areas that have been created by immigrants through cultural and religious values imposed from other countries. This construct the perception of “we and the others” which divide people into two groups where one group constitutes “the normal” and the other group is perceived as deviant. The consequences of the stigmatized discourse are further that a group of people, which in this context are immigrants, are being blamed as the reasons behind the problems surrounding deprived neighborhoods. They are through the discourse discriminated against and perceived as a threat towards the Swedish society. This representation within the media can be explained by post colonialism and social constructivism as colonial perceptions still being present in the Swedish society which creates norms and truths that construct a reality that is not accurate with the actual society. The discourse thus displays existing societal norms and perceptions through the use of language that discriminates and stigmatizes some people in society.

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The concept policy feedback is the idea that policies themselves may be political forces. Instead of the traditional approach of analysing policy as the conclusion of a political process, policy feedback suggests that the relationship between policy and public opinion is reciprocal. Many authors have stressed the methodological challenges related to estimating policy feedback effects due to the risk of reverse causal pathways: how do we make causal inferences, when the policy itself is probably a function of public opinion? I study public attitude toward privatisation following two Swedish welfare reforms (Friskolereformen and Lagen om Valfrihetssystem) that both resulted in an expansion of private service providers in the Swedish welfare sector. I exploit the variation in municipalities that did and did not adopt the two policies, together with the variation in timing of their adoption across municipalities. By applying a staggered difference-in-differences design, I isolate the causal effect of the welfare reforms on public preference for privatisation thereby avoiding the issue of reverse causality. This thesis provides a causal link between policy adoption and public opinion, suggesting that the policies themselves can be an important factor that shape public opinion on privatisation. The overall results support the existence of policy feedback effects, but do not indicate any recurring direction of such effects.

A normalization agreement between Israel and Bahrain became the starting point for a number of accords to be signed, promoting peace, normalization and cooperation – all based upon the idea of the prophet Abraham being the common ancestor of Jews and Muslims. Since then, United Arab Emirates, Morocco and Sudan has joined the Abraham accords as well. But upon what grounds is this peace plan based? Which ideas are presented, how can we interpret them, and what role does the mediator play? Most of all, how is the concepts trust, security and cooperation presented?With the help of a qualitative text analysis investigating ideas and ideological content, this thesis analyses the ideas of Abraham accords from two different theoretical perspectives – neorealism and commercial liberalism. The peace treaties that Israel signed with Egypt in 1979, and with Jordan in 1994, are subject to the same analysis, which allows a comparison between the agreements.The results show that even though many of the ideas in the Abraham accords are similar to those presented in the peace treaties, there seem to be a stronger commercial liberalist influence in the former. The role of the mediator is also stronger in the Abraham accords, where the earlier peace treaties rely more upon international law and security council resolutions. Even though trust, security and cooperation appear to be important in all the agreements, the views and methods seem to differ.

Uppsatsen tar avstamp i att olika rapporter och forskning talar om att marginaliserade grupper lidit och drabbats negativt under pandemin. Det framkommer dock en avsaknad av forskning kring hur marginaliserade gruppers medborgarskap påverkats av pandemins råd och rekommendationer i Västmanland, vilket uppsatsen syftar till att besvara. För att samla in empiri genomförs intervjuer med marginaliserade personer, samt personer som är engagerade i verksamheter vilka jobbar med marginaliserade. Uppsatsens resultat pekar på att marginaliserade gruppers medborgarskap har påverkats negativt av pandemins råd och rekommendationer. Det finns flertalet gemensamma nämnare som framkommer från de genomförda intervjuerna. Indragna insatser, avsaknad av hänsyn till bakgrund, avsaknad av solidaritet, mindre egenmakt och orättvisor visar sig vara faktorer som upplevts öka under pandemin. Slutsatserna av studien är att marginaliserade människor i samhället inte får uppleva samma typ av inkluderande medborgarskap som andra. Även fast medborgarskapet ser likadant ut rent teoretiskt är det i praktiken stor skillnad beroende på vem du är och de möjligheterna som finns för dig.

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<p>2021-05-27</p>

<p>2021-05-27</p>

<p>2021-05-27</p>

<p>2021-05-27</p>