<p>2021-05-27</p>

<p>2021-05-27</p>

<p>2021-05-27</p>

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate and compare party leaders in Sweden, Norway and Denmark based on Jenny Madestam's research on how party leaders are elected and see if demonstrated loyalty, previous assignments in politics and higher education are criterias that are more difficult for women to fulfill than it is for men and if it could then be one of many reasons that led to the fact that in Sweden there has not been a female prime minister so far. In Madestam's research it emerged that in Sweden's parties it was important with, among other things, these criteria when a new party leader was to be appointed, then it was discussed whether these criteria were more favorable for men than women as women have historically been more at home than men. Should have influenced how women had the opportunity to get involved politically and provided higher education. By examining whether the party leaders in question have first and foremost shown loyalty to their party in the form of a long-term commitment within the party. Then if the party leaders have previously held some form of ministerial post or higher post within their party, and finally if the party leader has a higher completed education than high school, this is then analyzed to see if this hypothesis could be falsified or not. As Norway and Denmark have had female prime ministers, the hypothesis will be falsified if they meet the criteria to the same or greater degree than Sweden, and if they do not, the hypothesis will not be falsified. When all data were compiled and the countries were compared, the analysis showed that Sweden did not meet the criteria/characteristics to a greater extent than other countries. In Norway, the results showed that all party leaders in the survey met all three criteria. In Denmark, the results showed that all party leaders had a high level of education, all but one of the party leaders had shown loyalty to his party and all of the party leaders except two had previously held other ministerial posts. In Sweden, all party leaders had shown loyalty to their party and previously held another ministerial post, but not all of the party leaders had a high level of education. The conclusion was that Sweden did not meet the criteria to a greater extent than the other countries and thus the hypothesis had to be falsified.

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Through a comparative study of Sweden and Finland with a focus on their respective green parties, the following thesis aims to explain why the swedish green party, Miljöpartiet, performed poorly in the election to the European Parliament in 2019 while most other green parties across Western Europe made substantial gains. Due to the fact that the Finnish green party, Gröna förbundet, were one of the green parties that performed exceptionally well in the EP-election of 2019, Finland was chosen as the comparative case of analysis based upon Mill's Method of Difference as the two countries of Sweden and Finland are similar in many aspects. The succeeding empirical comparison is based on seven hypotheses derived from previous research regarding green parties' road to success in parliamentary systems in general and on the research-discourse of viewing the elections to the European Parliament as a second-order election. The first five hypotheses consists of previous findings in the research regarding that green parties tend to perform well in parliamentary systems in general in countries were economic development i high, unemployment is low, economic unrest is low, the amount of energy produced from nuclear power is high and that it tends to exist a trade-off effect between green parties and parties categorized as being a part of the “radical left”. The last two hypotheses is based on the findings of the research-discourse of second-order elections and consists of that smaller parties tend to perform better in EP-elections at the cost of the voter-share usually belonging to mainstream-parties and that parties that are part of government when the EP-elections are held tend to perform worse than parties that are not. Through the comparison of Sweden and Finland and their respective green parties, the study finds that the first four hypotheses cannot explain the difference in voter-share between the two while the last three hypotheses are of explanatory value. However, the study finds that in order to conclude the degree to which these three phenomena have had an impact on these results, further research is needed.

No description available.

No description available.

Speeches held by heads of state and government after terrorist attacks have the common pattern of trying to comfort the public and reassure that they will be safe. What is noteworthy in these speeches is that heads of state and government outline the strategy their country will be adopting to combat terrorism. While some countries favor a state centric view, others adopt a view that favors international cooperation to combat terrorist networks. This study compared France and the United Kingdom and analyzed whether their present responses after Islamic terrorist attacks were similar to their past historical experiences of national defense and security identity. The focus was on studying the strategy the countries would prioritize, either a strategy that emphasizes the state or international cooperation to combat Islamic terrorism. Securitization theory was used to study how countries securitize terrorism in terms of state or international concern. This was complemented by using historical analogies to understand how terrorism was securitized differently by France and the UK. The countries historical experiences in national defense and security identity were used as an analogy to understand their responses after terrorist attacks in present time. While France has had a more dependent history in recent time, the UK has remained more independent, something which is seen in their view on the EU. The WPR approach was used to identify the preferred strategy in each country. The findings in the analysis showed that France and the UK did not have any consistent responses. While France relied on international cooperation, the country did surprisingly emphasize the state for most parts. As for the UK, the state was a recurring strategy, but it emphasized international cooperation to a larger degree than expected. Keywords: Terrorism, heads of state and government, France, United Kingdom, strategy, securitization, historical experiences, WPR approach

Sedan kvinnornas inträde i den politiska sfären har kön och makt studerats i nära anslutning till varandra. Regeringar är den högsta verkställande myndigheten i en stat och hittills har forskningen kring könsmönster inom regeringar fokuserat på enstaka länder eller världsdelar, men ett nytt dataset publicerat av Nyrup och Bramwell år 2020 har gjort det möjligt att undersöka regeringar globalt över en längre tidsperiod. Datasetet innehåller årliga uppgifter om medlemmar i regeringar i 177 länder under perioden 1966–2016. Syftet med denna uppsats är att bidra med ett globalt perspektiv till diskursen gällande könsmönster inom ansvarsfördelningen mellan kvinnliga och manliga ministrar och undersöka om det finns ett samband mellan kön och det politikområde ministern ansvarar för. Uppsatsen grundar sig i tre hypoteser: (1) att en större andel kvinnor än män innehar feminina ministerposter, medan en större andel män än kvinnor innehar maskulina ministerposter, (2) att en större andel kvinnor än män innehar ministerposter med låg prestige, medan en större andel män än kvinnor innehar ministerposter med hög prestige samt (3) att andelen kvinnor som får maskulina ministerposter samt ministerposter av hög prestige är högre i demokratier än i icke- demokratier. Dessa testas empiriskt genom en statistisk undersökning. Resultatet visar att samtliga samband är statistiskt signifikanta och de tre hypoteserna således får stöd i analysen. Den makt som kommer med ministerposter av hög prestige samt maskulina ministerposter når inte kvinnorna i samma grad som den når männen. Dörren till det politiska rummet må vara öppen, men kvinnorna står kvar på tröskeln.