On what grounds and in which spheres can a liberal state build and defend a national identity? Where should the line in regards to nation-building be drawn before it interferes with private life and/or are no longer consistent with liberal ideals? This papper examines these questions in regard to two different policy proposals, (1) veil bans in school and (2) bans against different forms of call- to-prayer, and their compatibility with liberal nationalism. The premiss is that these policies are motivated and have been emphasized as a way to defend the national identity, more precisely the Swedish identity. The normative reliability in the policies underlying arguments have been examined in contrast to Lenards (2020) categories for a national identity compatible with a liberal state. The results show that liberal nationalism can not accept veil ban in schools, as a way to uphold the national identity, due to the act of veiling being a part of ones privat culture and therefore must stay beyond political interventions. Bans against different forms of call-to-prayer, as a way to preserve the national identity, are not either compatible with liberal nationalism. Not because it symbolizes a private act but because the content of the public culture must change as new cultural and religious influences enters the nation. Taken together, these understandings have broaden the theoretical debate around the possible substance of a public and cultural identity. Empirically it has contributed to a liberal nationalistic answer to the current political and medial debate on national identity and questions in regards to cultural- and religious practices.

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This study aims to increase the understanding of the presumptions for a necessary collaboration between the different collaboration actors when it comes to crime prevention work in the municipality Köping. We interviewed several actors within Brå in Köping on the basis of three main issues: - Are there differences in what different collaborating actors consider to be the goal of crime prevention work?- Are there differences in what different collaborating actors consider to be the goal of the collaboration work itself?- Are there differences in what different collaborating actors believe should be done to improve the collaboration work? The method used for this study to answer the three main issues was semi-structured interviews. Criminal policy issues are a high subject on the agenda in all parts of Sweden. In order for the crime prevention work to succeed various forms of collaboration methods are required. In this study we look further into different ways of collaboration methods- and theories, the study also looks into crime prevention and previous research on the subject. The two primary conclusions that were discovered through this study are that all collaborating actors strive for the same overall goal regarding the crime prevention work which is to increase safety and reduce and prevent crime. The collaborating actors have different focus areas to achieve these goals. And the second conclusion is that the collaboration method that is used benefits all collaborating actors and strengthens them through a good functioning collaboration work.

The European Union (EU) has been facing a challenge to control the maintenance ofdemocratic principles in several member states, most prominently Hungary and Poland. Thisessay aims to investigate how the EU has handled member states which opposes the EU's corevalues and how their actions can be explained by them being an international organization.Furthermore, the essay intends to answer these questions: how has the EU acted againstHungary and Poland regarding deviations from democratic principles and what authoritativerights does the EU have as an international organization to handle member statesdisobedience, and how is this expressed? This situation is relevant to study due to theimportance of democratic principles to the EU, but also because it sheds light on a biggercomplexity: EU’s relation as an international organization to sovereign member states andtheir right to intervene when they violate their rules. This issue will be studied by readingofficial publications from EU-institutions, which will be examined through a qualitativecontent analysis and an idea analysis with the three following concepts: internationalorganizations as democracy-promoters, international organizations as exercisers of power andinternational organizations in relation to the member states sovereignty. The conclusions ofthe study are that the EU have used mechanisms they have at their disposal in the studiedcircumstances, and that they through their role as international organization had theauthoritative right to interfere in Hungary and Poland regarding democratic principles.

Catastrophes, be it natural or not, have always served as a time to reform, a time to awaken slumbering ideas and notions or simply a time to be taken advantage of. Since the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan in December 2019 and later in Sweden at the end of January 2020 there have been several actors who took advantage of the situation to benefit their own agenda. The purpose of this paper is to study to what extent the content of articles published by Sveriges Television, Swedish Television, between March 29th and April 2nd 2020 have a populist tendency. A search parameter based on the factors such as: timeframe, searchable keywords are utilised to create a dataset from which the study can conduct its analysis. The keywords are describing the operationalisation of the theoretical framework. Furthermore, the analysis of the dataset aims to determine whether the crisis is in fact being exploited. This is achieved by utilising theory on populism to form themes that through a directed content analysis can provide insight. The findings of the thesis are that out of the 226 articles published during the period 34,9% showed a populist tendency. However, a manual sorting of the articles with a populist tendency followed, to sort out the articles where the issue was in themselves unrelated to COVID-19. An analysis of these articles was conducted using the themes and questionnaire, the result from this analysis indicated that an exploitation of the crisis had occurred. Further research on the subject could for example expand its horizons beyond the Swedish borders, especially considering the difference in strategic approaches between Sweden and the rest of the world. Such studies would possibly require either a more quantitative approach or a greater number of researchers or data programme that could handle the amount of data that would be required to conduct the analysis.

The state of emergency – the governmental provision of imposing exceptional powers applicable to emergencies – is a characteristic shared by a majority of national governments. The possibility to invoke emergency provisions, albeit necessary, is inherently vulnerable to abuse. Despite established restrictions on emergency powers in national and international law, some states have been found to act beyond these limitations, infringing on human rights in an overly disproportionate and excessive fashion. Such an exercise of emergency powers is contrary to their general aim: i.e., to protect essential human rights in the face of a crisis, be it political, social, economic, or a natural disaster. As such, the state of emergency can be seen as a paradox: both a protection of, and threat to human rights. The present thesis, departing from an observed presupposition of existing and stable liberal-democratic structures for the established checks and restrictions to apply, placed the scope of analysis in a Southeast Asian context, a region featuring a broad variety of democracy levels. As such, the undertaken comparative study charted continuities, developments and changes pertaining to the enactment of emergency powers vis-à-vis human rights in Thailand and the Philippines between 1996 and 2021. Moreover, motivations behind the declaration of a state of emergency were also observed, as the identification of a situation as exceptional is incidentally the process through which a state of emergency is constructed and becomes usable, which in turn guides the formulation of emergency measures and their eventual impact on human rights. The observed instances of states of emergency in Thailand and the Philippines illustrate how emergency powers are often followed by a militarisation of the political agenda, and pose a challenge for social trust, especially in contexts such as Thailand and the Philippines, whose legacy of military rule has shaped how political life is enacted in contemporary times. Moreover, said legacy becomes yet another dimension of the state of emergency in that emergency powers are invoked to stabilise the political system so as to protect human rights, but ultimately the former is stabilised through repression of the latter. In this regard, repression of human rights is at its highest when the exception has entered several dimensions of the social fabric, i.e., becoming the norm. Within the framework of the regional War on Drugs and the Covid-19 pandemic, the cases further illustrate not only the intricate links between the juridico-political vis-à-vis repressive and restrictive consequences, but also how they interact in a context of perpetual emergency.  As such, the frequent invocation of emergency powers in the observed contexts encouraged the exercise of discretionary power through a reconceptualisation of the interaction between the political and the social, rending certain individuals, deemed a potential future threat, politically mute, overpowered by the sovereign decision. In this way, the implementation of emergency provisions were found to produce, portray, and maintain a largely fictional sense of security in the society. / El estado de emergencia – la provisión gubernamental a través de la cual se dicta poderes excepcionales pertinentes a una situation de emergencia – es una característica que contempla el sistema jurídico de una mayoría de gobiernos nacionales. La posibilidad de declarar un estado de emergencia, a pesar de ser ocasionalmente necesario, es sin embargo altamente vulnerable ante un probable abuso de autoridad. Dado dicho riesgo, no obstante restricciones establecidas en leyes nacionales e internacionales regulando su uso, las medidas excepcionales adoptadas por algunos países han trascendido la serie de límites y controles contemplados, resultando en violaciones de derechos humanos de carácter inconmensurable y excesivo. Dicha adopción de poderes excepcionales contradice la prerrogativa original de los mismos, es decir, la proteción de derechos humanos fundamentales en caso se presenten graves circumstancias que perturben o amenacen perturbar en forma inminente el orden político, social, económico y ecológico del país en cuestión. Por ende, el estado de emergencia puede ser calificado como una paradoja: simultáneamente actuando como protector y amenaza a los derechos humanos.  La presente tesis localiza su punto de inicio en la identificada presupocisión de una estructura estable propia de un estado democrático de derecho para un funcionamento certero de los establecidos controles y límites. A manera de investigar la validez atribuída a dicha presupocisión, el ámbito de analísis concierne el contexto del Sudeste asiático, una región seleccionada dada su observada variedad de niveles de democracia. El estudio, de carácter comparativo, traza continuidades, desarrollos y cambios pertinentes a la aplicación de poderes de emergencia y sus repercusiones en materia de derechos humanos en los casos de Tailandia y las Filipinas entre 1996 y 2021. Además, las motivaciones tras la declaratoria también fueron observadas e investigadas, dado que la identificación de una situación como excepcional es incidentemente el proceso a través de cual el estado de emergencia se construye y se torna usable, lo que a su vez guía la formulación de las medidas de emergencia y consigna una eventual restricción de derechos humanos.  Los estados de emergencia observados ilustran como los poderes excepcionales en varias instancias conceden una militarización de la agenda política, lo cual circunscribe un reto en lo que concierne la confianza social, particularmente en contextos como Tailandia y las Filipinas, cuyo legado militar forma la vida política contemporánea. Además, dicho legado forma parte de una dimensión adicional del estado de emergencia, de acuerdo a la cual un sistema político inestable amerita la declaración de un estado de emergencia con el propósito de estabilizar el sistema político y proteger derechos humanos. Sin embargo, al final, el primero termina siendo estabilizado a través de la represión del último. En este contexto, la violación de derechos humanos es más prominente cuando la noción de la excepción se vuelve la norma. De esta manera, frecuentes declaratorias resultan en una reconceptualización de la interacción entre lo político y lo social, así silenciando políticamente a individuos considerados una posible futura amenza. Así, se observó que la implementación de poderes excepcionales produce, representa, y sostiene una sensación de seguridad social en gran parte ficticia.

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