This study is a contribution to the discussion of how professional work is managed and what consequences it has for professional practice. Previous studies have shown how a de- professionalization has taken place, a loss of autonomy, as a result of increased external control. However, judges have received insignificant attention in the research field on (public) professions. The study therefore aims to examine the meaning of professional autonomy at the micro level and, more precisely, the space of the judicial profession regarding professional autonomy in the daily work of the district court. Based on professional theory, three dimensions of autonomy in professional practice have been developed: the organization, the execution and the evaluation of work. These dimensions have been investigated through qualitative interviews with nine judges at different stages of their careers. The results of the study show that professional autonomy is expressed in different ways, in occupational professionalism and organizational professionalism, as well as in different parts of the work. The study thus shows the importance of studying autonomy as a multifaceted concept. Further, the autonomy of judges appears to be protected from evaluation as a result of their constitutional independence, but less so from management. The latter is shown to risk having negative consequences on the judges' ability to exercise their professional judgment in practice and for the quality of their work.

This paper aims to deepen the understanding of Transitional justice in the Spanish context. Spain has in a unique way been able to create and consolidate a democratic system in the wake of an era of war and dictatorship without installing a comprehensive strategy for dealing with past abuses. In the context of Transitional justice research, this does not align with theories on how to best deal with democratic transitions, making the Spanish case a special one - with a desirable outcome, but (according to theory) a questionable process to get there. However, since 2004 the political interest in Spain’s historical memory has sparked, and efforts to deal with the legacy of past abuses have been initiated by, first and foremost, the Spanish socialist party, Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). Against this backdrop, this paper examines and analyzes the strengths and weaknesses within the most recent Spanish efforts to deal with its past, seen through the theoretical Transitional justice-framework. This is done by analyzing two Spanish laws, passed in 2007 and 2022 respectively. The aim of the paper is to answer the following research question: How do the two laws; the law of historical memory 52/2007 and the law of democratic memory 20/2022, differ in terms of alignment with the theoretical framework and ideals of Transitional Justice? The thesis concludes in its final chapters that a significant shift can be identified when comparing the contents of the law 52/2007 and the law 20/2022 in terms of including and promoting Transitional justice-mechanisms.

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Corruption has been widely studied among scholars who approach the phenomenon from various perspectives. Corruption can be perceived as an adaptive and systemic phenomen on that necessitates a multidisciplinary and comprehensive approach to prevention. There exist various forms of corruption; however, this paper specifically focuses on educational corruption in Kenya. The author acknowledges that educational corruption has not been simultaneously studied from individual and social perspectivesin the past. Hence, the primary objective of this research was to utilize the principal-agent theory (which examines corruption from an individual standpoint) and the collective action theory (which examines corruption from a social standpoint) to investigate why educational corruption is highly prevalent in Kenya. The collective action theory played a crucial role in identifying why previous anti-corruption measures have not yielded successful outcomes. The research discovered that educational corruption is widespread in Kenya and encompasses activities such as misappropriation of funds, bribery, politicians employing coercive tactics to secure school and university admissions for their children, nepotism in hiring and recruitment practices, and a culture of exchanging sex for favors. The research also discussed strategies for reducing corruption, including the implementation of ICT technologies, participatory budgeting, and the installation of CCTV cameras.

Migration has become a highly debated subject in the political debate in Sweden. Especially since the refugee crisis in 2015, which contributed to a unusually large number of people from different countries fled to EU countries to seek asylum. Where Sweden went from having the EU:s most generous asylum legislation to the EU:s minimum level. This created many debates about migration and integration and has been widely discussed both in the Swedish Parliament and in households.  The aim of this study is to examine how the ‘‘ideal migrant’’ is portrayed in the Swedish parliament party leader debates during 2010, 2015 and 2020 and how it may have changed over time. This study is based on the article “The migrant with poor prospects: racialized intersections of class and culture in Dutch civic integration debates” by Saskia Bonjour och Jan Willem Duyvendak. In which they analyze parliamentary debates about civic integration policies in the Netherlands to examine which migrants are considered likely or unlikely to integrate based on which presumed characteristics in the Dutch society. In Bonjour and Duyvendak's study, they observed two frameworks that were central in the Dutch parliamentary debates about civic integration, the economic and cultural framework. This study has taken information and inspiration from Bonjour and Duyvendak’s study in a Swedish context. By using a framinganalysis, the study aims to identify whether the cultural or economic frame is mostly used in the Swedish debates.  This study concludes that the use of the economic or cultural frames in the debate varies over time. In 2010 the economic frame was the only frame used in the debates. In 2015 the economic frame was mostly used whereas the cultural frame was more frequent in 2020 debates. Further, it is concluded that the ‘‘ideal migrant’’ must possess the abilities and traits, like a good education, being well versed in the Swedish language and participate in the labor market to be considered as a human resource and will therefore be able to contribute in society and have an understanding of Swedish values, norms and practices to be included in the Swedish community of value. However, it is not a guarantee of being included as ethnicity plays a crucial role in the conception of ‘‘us’’ and ‘‘them’’.

Nation-states are described as failed states when they fall into internal violence,stop providing affirmative political services to their citizens, loose their legitimacyand show flawed institutions and disharmonies between communities. Nations failand recover but Somalia seems to be the only failed state in the longest period ofthirty years as of 2021, which has not so far recovered from the failure. It is, thus,important to understand why the Somali state collapsed after thirty years ofindependence and has not recovered in the succeeding thirty years. Theinternational community has been trying to support the process of reconciliation,peace-building and state building but to no avail. It is not easy to find a soundanswerer to why the state has failed while the problem can be attributed to variousissues. This thesis tries to respond to that by exploring how the ethnic and identityconstructed idea for greater Somalia in the Horn of Africa contributed to thecollapse of the state. To better analyse the problem, theoretical framework hasbeen established and a previous study on the subject has been used. The thesisconcludes that the failed experiment of the idea of uniting the Somali societyinhabiting in the Horn of Africa countries under one greater Somali state which isno longer valid has to be left behind and new ways of thinking have to bedeveloped for future prospects.

<p>2021-08-13</p>

Följande uppsats ämnar studera Försvarsmaktens anpassningsförmåga till att bli en stödjande enhet till det civila samhället under Covid-19 pandemins inledande nio månader. Detta kommer göras med utgångspunkt i Edward Deverell och Eva-Karin Olssons typologi gällande organisatorisk anpassningsförmåga. Typologin delar in organisationer i tre sektioner för anpassningsförmåga och påvisar vikten av anpassningsförmåga på flera nivåer inom organisationen. Studien ämnar undersöka hur Försvarsmaktens anpassningsförmåga till denna pandemi varit i relation till typologin och dess tre sektioner. Studien undersöker detta genom att studera material från Försvarsmakten själva gällande vad de rent konkret gjort, för att sedan analysera det genom att använda typologin.