This study focuses on the phenomenon regarding declining levels of participation in the democratic system and the alienation of policy from the voters. Theories about participation in the democratic process and the presence of party-cartels provide scientific background for studying the possible connection between participation and a drop in overall democracy. The study looks at levels of participation in the democratic process in terms of non-profit organizations, political parties and general interest in politics alongside the respondents perception of how well the democracy is functioning and prospering. To produce this study the cumulative data set from the SOM-institute in Gothenburg, Sweden has been used. It is an annual survey that has been produced since 1986 and enables the study to look at long-term developments and the possible effects of these. The study shows that there is a small but statistically significant correlation between some level of participation in the democratic process and how that same person is perceiving the functionality and prosperity of the democracy. This is mainly occurring with respondents who are members of nonprofit sport associations and members of political parties. However, these results are thin and the field requires further studies in order to provide a comprehensive and exhaustive picture of the matter at hand. Especially interesting for further studies is the research into where people are showing their dissatisfaction with government (since they are not participating in the democratic process at the same levels as before) and how this effects the alienation of policy even further. / <p>2023-06-01</p>

While discussions regarding the decline in democracy and the weakening status of abortion until recently have been held separately, these processes seem to have occurred in parallel. This essay aims to evaluate the relation between the two. Existing feminist arguments related to the basic liberal principles of citizenship builds the claim that there is a theoretical connection between abortion rights and liberal democracy. This furthermore guides the hypothesis and the main purpose for this essay – understanding the place of abortion rights within a liberal democracy. Studying 43 European countries a statistical analysis finds a fairly strong correlation between liberal democracy and abortion rights. A simple regression analysis finds that a countries level of liberal democracy has an impact on a countries level of abortion rights. Women’s disproportionate association with reproductive labor complicates their opportunity to fully enjoy the rights promised by the liberal democratic ideas. Considering the impact restricted abortion rights may have on women’s citizenship the correlation can likely be referred to its impact on gender equality. However, abortion- or reproductive rights are not included as a variable in the big democratic indexes. Finally, the key conclusion in this essay concludes of abortion rights as democratic policy making. / <p>2023-06-01</p>

The area of interest for this study is contemporary right-wing political discourse in Sweden, exemplified by the written coalition agreement called “the Tidö agreement”, struck between the Sweden Democrats, the Moderate Party, the Christian Democrats and the Liberal Party shortly after the 2022 elections. This deal enabled Moderate Party leader Ulf Kristersson to form a government. The Tidö agreement contains a large number of policy points that the Kristersson government is expected to implement to retain its parliamentary support. The four-party coalition behind the Tidö agreement is historically unique. To better understand the ideas of this coalition, this study analyses the Tidö agreement using Foucauldian discourse analysis and the WPR (What’s the problem represented to be?) approach to answer the research question: In what ways does the Tidö agreement representmajor political “problems”? The study identifies several problem representations in the Tidö agreement’s chapters and discusses genealogies, presuppositions, rationales, and argumentation techniques. The study finds stylistic consistency in problematisations across several policy areas, with a preference for rule-making and individualisation of responsibility. The main implication of this study is to provide several promising openings for further research. / <p>2023-06-09</p>

Gender equality in political representation has been claimed to be one of the cornerstones of democracy. This study aims to explore gender distribution in Swedish local parliaments and test theories explaining higher female political representation. The study's framework and hypotheses are based on previous international and national research. Various socioeconomic, political, and physical factors that influence female representation were examined across 290 municipalities in Sweden. The municipalities were categorized into three groups to allows for a more in-depth analysis of the differences and conditions affecting women's political representation in different environments. The quantitative analysis revealed that political and socioeconomic factors were associated with a higher proportion of female representatives, while physical factors showed no correlation. The differences in gender representation between metropolitan and rural municipalities were minimal, but the covariation between factors varied across the three municipal groups. Votes for left-wing parties were strongest associated with a higher proportion of female representatives in metropolitan areas, whereas education level also played a significant role in other municipalities. Interestingly, the study found a stronger correlation between the proportion of women in municipal councils and the education level of men rather than women, suggesting a potential avenue for future investigation. / <p>2023-06-01</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera om det finns ett samband mellan hur brukare uppskattar hemtjänsten och hur hemtjänstpersonalen i kommuner upplever arbetsgivarpolitiken. Hypotesen är att ett sådant samband finns och att brukarens upplevelse av hemtjänsten ökar i positiv mening när hemtjänstpersonalen bedömer att arbetsgivarpolitiken förbättras. Personalens betydelse för brukarens upplevelse av hemtjänstservicen finns dokumenterad i teori och forskning. Av de statistiska beräkningarna i uppsatsen framgår att det finns ett kausalt signifikant samband mellan variablerna. Sambandet är svagt positivt. Utifrån teori och tidigare forskning förväntades sambandet initialt vara starkare. Baserat på denna studie går det inte entydigt att peka ut någon eller några framgångsfaktorer för brukarens positiva upplevelse av hemtjänsten. Det är en komplex kombination av faktorer som skapar god hemtjänst. Av teori och forskning framgår att hemtjänst i hög grad påverkas och utvecklas i relationen mellan brukare och hemtjänstpersonal. Denna bild bekräftas då de kommuner som har högt värde på hemtjänst och arbetsgivarpolitik också har högt delindex för hemtjänstens utförande, dvs på mötet mellan brukare och personal. Även om denna kvantitativa analys inte visar på starkt samband mellan variablerna, så bekräftas den bild som teori och forskning ger av goda arbetsvillkors betydelse för positivt verksamhetsresultat med nöjda brukare. / <p>2023-06-01</p>

<p>2023-06-09</p>

No description available.

The major changes in the global political sphere, where borders between East and West are being strongly defined, influences of course foreign policies, that are aimed to target such changes, however, it is not always clear how countries are able to choose a geopolitical side, and if neutral, to justify its engagement with both sides. Especially after the latest Russian invasion of Ukraine, have had implications on the cooperation between Russia and the EU. This thesis aimed at outlining the difficulties for a country, like Serbia, that promotes a nonalignment foreign strategy is being contested by its Western partners. Therefore, this thesis has employed the theoretical basis of the English School and qualitative content analysis, to understand how Serbia is balancing between geopolitics and prosperity. It has been shown that Serbia de-facto choses the EU as their main geopolitical partner, when looking at the substantial EU-based investments and development in the Serbian market. However, when it comes to the matter of Kosovo, Russia appears to become a central strategic partner to Serbia, through the guaranteed veto in the UNSC and to not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, it strongly appears that Russia has a deep influence in the Serbian civil society and public narratives, that undermines any EU integration of the country. Therefore, the Serbian balance between geopolitics and prosperity can be argued to both include economic prosperity and the prosperity of Serbian culture and the protection of its national integrity of its sovereignty. Serbia have ensured to develop it economic foundation, meanwhile ensuring the Russian support to not recognize Kosovo, however, it also appears that since the invasion of Ukraine, Serbia’s position as in between, is perhaps limited.

In this study the author will analyze high school textbooks using the depoliticized-politicized theory to find out if drug abuse among individuals is perceived as individualized or not. Previous research shows that school drug policy is paradoxical and that it is hard to measure its effectiveness even though the school has an important role to play in preventing the students from using drugs. This is why the author wants to find out who or what is perceived to be responsible for an individual's drug abuse. The results show that the individual is not perceived to be the responsible actor for their drug abuse but instead that they must receive help from the public and the private sectors. The schoolbooks also show that the government can limit access to drugs and use the public sector to control and punish drug abuse. The reason drug abuse is not individualized is because schoolbooks do not provide information that can be perceived in such a way that the individual is responsible for their drug abuse.

The study focuses on the differences in Japan and South Korea’s strategic cultures, and whether the two countries are perceived to achieve their strategic goals. Furthermore, the study uses the strategic cultures of Japan and South Korea to understand how the two countries manage security challenges in the region and what strategic measures are made to counter anc deter such challenges, specifically the North Korean threats and provocations.  The study adopts a comparative case study research design, using a deductive approach to content analysis through which four concepts of the countries strategic cultures is selected: independency, military support, constitutional changes, and security challenges. Through these concepts, Japan and South Korea’s strategic culture is analysed and discussed to enable deeper understanding on the development and adaptability, using newsletter, statements, news articles, and previous research articles as material.  The study finds that the theory of strategic culture can be used to explain the differences of Japan and South Korea and how the countries are developing and adapting to the current climate. Furthermore, Japan and South Korea’s strategic cultures can be understood as ways of managing security threats and challenges imposed by North Korea. Through continuous work to adapt to the current climate and changes in the security challenges both in the region and globally and establish greater independency and self-reliance whilst still cooperating with the US, Japan and South Korea are perceived to achieve their goals.