A presente Tese de Doutorado analisa e discute os aprendizados do universo de trabalho e de luta das mulheres camponesas da Via Campesina do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, e camponesas e indígenas da UNORCA/UNMIC e da CONAMI no México. Enfatiza-se, assim, os saberes para além do contexto escolar, em que se aprende a vida toda, com ênfase no fazerse gente, sujeito com consciência crítica, feministas ou não, mas que lutam, coletivamente por dias melhores e, perdem a vergonha, passando a andar de cabeça erguida, sem baixar la mirada. Apesar de terem sido relegadas a seres de segunda ordem na sociedade patriarcal, refletindo historicamente, no pouco ou nada de acesso à educação escolar pelo fato de vierem no campo ou por serem mulheres índias; na luta geral não levadas em conta e, nas específicas, grandemente acusadas de divisoras ou antirrevolucionárias, elas continuam demarcando espaços, ampliando e multiplicando saberes. Para tal, afirma-se a importância de coletivos de mulheres no interior de movimentos mistos que se somam a movimentos específicos, conduzidos por elas. A pesquisa desenvolvida como estudo de caso, no Brasil situou-se no estado do Rio Grande do Sul e as organizações pesquisadas foram MMC, MST, MAB e MPA da Via Campesina, tendo como sujeitos, duas mulheres de cada organização. No México, foram pesquisadas três mulheres da UNORCA/UNMIC e também da CONAMI, dos estados do Distrito Federal, Sonora, Guerrero, Morelos e Chiapas. Para a coleta de dados foram utilizados dois questionários: um, aberto, semiestruturado com questões usadas para gravação e posterior transcrição; outro, também aberto, com questões estruturadas, registrado instantaneamente. Outro instrumento utilizado foi o diário de campo com registros de observações de reuniões e encontros envolvendo sujeitos da pesquisa ou representantes de suas organizações. Junto a isso, foi realizado estudo de subsídios produzidos pelos referidos movimentos, tanto em livros, cartilhas e panfletos, como em sítios eletrônicos, além de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica. Sobre os aprendizados mais relevantes da pesquisa evidencia-se: a importância de as mulheres poderem dizer a sua palavra e, para tal, terem e/ou criarem as condições para tal, tanto ao que se refere a estudos em cursos formais ou não e, propriamente nas articulações e construções de suas lutas; perder o medo e enfrentar as contradições por estarem na luta coletiva; coordenar processos e junto a isso perceber limites, avanços e desafios, de si mesmas, das companheiras e companheiros e da luta em si; exigir respeito pelo fato serem mulheres e sustentar posições teórico-políticas; estudar, perceber a força e o poder que têm no coletivo; aprender experienciando na luta, e, mais que isso: passar a saber que sabem e que seus saberes são relevantes na contestação da sociedade machista e patriarcal, bem como, na construção de possibilidades de serem libertas. / The present doctoral dissertation analyses and discusses the learning of the work and struggle universe of peasant women from Via Campesina from Rio Grande do Sul / Brazil and the peasant and Indian women from UNORCA/UNMIC and CONAMI from Mexico. It is highlighted the knowledge besides the school context, in what is learnt the whole life, emphasizing turning into a person, a subject with critical awareness, feminist or not, but who struggles in collective for better days, and is not ashamed, starting to walk with head up without bringing down la mirada. Beyond being put aside as human been of second order in a patriarchal society, historically reflecting, in little or even no access to school education by the fact of coming from the countryside or being Indian women; in general fight not taking in account and in specific fights were intensely accused as divisive or antirevolutionaries, they keep demarcating spaces amplifying and multiplying knowledge. For that, it is affirmed the relevance of women collective inner mixed movements that are summed up to specific movements conducted by themselves. The research developed as a case study, in Brazil, was situated in Rio Grande do Sul and the organizations researched were MMC, MST, MAB and MPA of Via Campesina, having as subjects, two women of each organization. In Mexico, were researched three women of UNORCA/ UNMIC and also CONAMI from the states of Federal District, Sonora, Guerrero, Morelos and Chiapas. In order to collect the data were utilized two questionnaires: one, open, semi structured, with questions to record and later transcript; another, open, with structured questions, registered instantly. Other instrument used was a field diary for registering the observation of meetings evolving subjects of the research or representative of their organizations. It was also done a study produced by the referred movements, in books, primers, folders, sites, as well as a broad bibliographic research. About the most relevant learning of the research was evident: the importance of women saying their words, and or to create conditions for it, in what refers to studies in formal courses or not, and also in the articulation and construction of their struggles; not having fear to face contradictions for being in collective struggle; coordinating processes and also seeing limits, advances and challenges, from themselves, their partners female or male and the struggle itself; requiring respect by the fact they are women and sustain theoreticalpolitical positions; studying and realizing their strength and power that is in the collective; learning through experience in struggle, and more than that, realizing they know and their knowledge is relevant contesting the chauvinist and patriarchal society, as well in the construction of possibilities of being set free.

Escrever sobre esta região, chamada Bico do Papagaio é escrever sobre conflitos e sobre os mais variados sujeitos que a luta pela terra configurou. Nesta tese parte-se da premissa que o conflito social nesta região é resultado das políticas de ocupação capitalista, e da concentração dos recursos nas mãos de determinadas classes sociais. A região é dessa forma, fundamento histórico da luta de classes antagônicas pelo território ou pela terra. Classes sociais que possuem lógicas de apropriação do território opostas. Esta luta de classes em maioria das vezes é travada entre as várias frações do campesinato e o grandes proprietários de terra, que podem ser fazendeiros e latifundiários ou empresas de várias modalidades. Dentro do contexto da luta pelo território estão os povos indígenas e quilombolas. Cada um desses sujeitos constroem suas estratégias de permanência ou de conquista da terra e/ou território. Os camponeses e indígenas por serem as principais vítimas da expropriação e do desempossamento na região, no momento da resistência entram em confronto com a classe dos grandes proprietários sofrendo as mais variadas violências. A Comissão Pastoral da Terra há mais de trinta anos acompanha o campesinato e os povos indígenas nesses processos. Há trinta anos começou a publicar os registros de conflitos no campo. Esses registros mostram até certo ponto o avanço e o retrocesso da luta pela terra entre as classes e sociedades antagônicas. Nosso objetivo foi compreender como se deu esses processos durante esses trinta anos nesta região através dos registros de conflitos no campo Os quais, dentro da perspectiva geográfica denominamos conflitos sociespaciais e conflitos socioterritoriais, afim de contribui na construção de uma geografia das lutas camponesas. / Write about this region, called Parrot\'s Beak is writing about conflict and about the most varied subjects that the struggle for land set. In this thesis, it starts from the premise that the social conflict in this region is the result of capitalist occupation policies, and the concentration of resources in the hands of certain social classes. The region is thus historical foundation of the struggle of antagonistic classes by territory or by land. Social classes that have logics of appropriation of the opposing territory. This class struggle in most cases is fought between the various fractions of the peasantry and the property owners, who may be farmers and landowners or companies of various forms. Within the context of the struggle for territory is indigenous and maroon peoples. Each of these individuals build their permanence strategies or conquest of the land and / or territory. Peasants and indigenous people because they are the main victims of expropriation and take ownership in the region at the time of resistance clash with the class of large landowners suffering the most varied violence. The Pastoral Land Commission for over thirty years came with the peasantry and indigenous peoples in these processes. Thirty years ago, he began publishing the records of conflicts in the field. These records show to some extent the advance and retreat of the struggle for land between classes and antagonistic societies. Our goal was to understand how these processes occurred during those thirty years in this region through the conflicts of records in the field, which, within the geographical perspective call social space conflicts and socio-territorial conflicts in order to contribute in building a geography of peasant struggles.

We all want to live good lives, but due to the difficulty involved, few of us ever succeed. We usually either fail in our attempts to live well or remain with our safer, and less worthwhile, options. In spite of this, there has been little, if any, investigation of the role that difficulty plays in our attempts to live well, and thus in our conceptions of the good life. Within the field of the good life, philosophers tend to acknowledge the fact that good lives are difficult to live, and leave it at that. Since we must all face the difficulty of living well, the lack of analysis of the implications of difficulty seems a glaring oversight. In order to redress this, I explore the role that difficulty plays in two requirements for living well, namely achievement and reflection. Firstly, I examine the relationship between effort and achievement. I argue that difficulty just is the requirement of effort, and that it is required in order for our achievements to be meaningful and for us to value them. Secondly, I look at the relationship between failure and reflection. I argue that reflection on our failures can lead us to knowledge that helps us to live well and that we would not usually come to if we did not fail. Finally, I look at the roles of effort and failure in some accounts of the good life and I draw on psychological research and theory to provide support for my conclusions about the positive effects of effort. I conclude by examining the implications of reducing difficulty for the future of humankind.

This thesis provides a critical evaluation of certain selected works of Hayashi Fumiko and demonstrates the unique literary achievement of this important modern Japanese woman writer who is as yet little known in the West. This thesis contends that the element of struggle, so omnipresent in this writer's life and works, is the essence of her artistic vision. Herein, struggle is examined not only in terms of theme, characterization, imagery, and style but also as a major determining factor in the development and progression of narrative itself. Four principal struggles are discerned: (1) for art and beauty, (2) for love, (3) for maturity and independence, and (4) for survival. It is shown also that the first three of these categories of struggle belong to what in Hayashifs writings may be designated as the inner world of human feeling. This inner world is opposed to and in conflict with the outer world of hardship and necessity in which the struggle for survival takes place. Five major stages in the development of Hayashifs work are proposed, and representative works are discussed in each period to illustrate the developments and modifications of the struggle element. Chapter One, dealing with the period 1922-1930, discusses Hayashi's early poetry and her first major work, Hōrōki. Here, the inner struggle for art and beauty is affirmed amidst the hardship of the outer struggle for survival. Chapter Two discusses the period 1931-1934, and focuses on the short stories "Fūkin to sakana no machi'' and "Seihin no sho." In these works the inner struggles for love and for maturity are brought to the fore as Hayashi's early autobiographical fiction reaches the peak of lyrical expression. In Chapter Three, covering the period 1936-1942, Hayashi's change to "objective" fiction is examined, in particular her first full-length novella, Inazumaf in which the inner struggle is weakened and debilitated by the struggle with outside circumstances. Chapter Four covers the years 1946-1949, a period which represents Hayashi's full maturity. In Ukigumo, her masterpiece, the forces of the inner struggle assume demonic proportions, overpowering the outward struggle for survival and success. In Chapter Five, Hayashi's final years, 1950-1951, are examined. Here, in Meshi, the author attempts to reconcile the dichotomies of the inner and outer elements of struggle as she portrays the lives of ordinary people, striving to find self-fulfillment in the modern world. The thesis concludes that the element of struggle provides a primary tool by which the works of this author can be fully appraised and appreciated. By providing an explication of this element, this thesis not only offers an insight into the mechanisms of Hayashi's genius but also presents a much-needed introduction to and interpretation of this writer's work. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Over the past four years, growing volumes of media literature centre staged the Namibian economy with the dilemma of the ‘Children of the Liberation Struggle of Namibia’ (CoLSoN) in their resilient protest for employment. Yet, amid such chronicled portrayal and persistent social, economic and political discourse, the underpinnings of the plight of the CoLSoN for labour market participation received vigorous scholarly inattention and remained scientifically unexplored. This study, therefore, contributes to the body of knowledge on the employability, employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment, and public policy interventions depicting the unemployed CoLSoN in Namibia. The Researcher situated the study in a post-positivist paradigm. Positioned in the Human Capital Theory, the study utilised the employability theory to examine the employability of the unemployed CoLSoN. The study employed the conceptual framework of employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment to investigate the domains responsible for the low employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment of the unemployed CoLSoN. Drawing on the theory of search and match, the study examined the typology of the supply-side effort of Government to establish the controlling of the ensuing disequilibrium of the demand-supply side efforts. The study employed a concurrent mixed method design comprising quantitative and qualitative schemes of inquiry, and drew a sample size of 605 unemployed CoLSoN through the simple random probability sampling procedure to respond to a 76-item survey instrument. Additionally, the study drew a purposive sub sample of 50 CoLSoN and two organisations to amplify the experiences of the unemployed CoLSoN and inform of the policy options directed to their plight through semi-structured interviews. The study analysed the quantitative data utilising the ANOVA, Multiple regression techniques, Spearman correlation and t-test of the SPSS software. Qualitative data analysis occurred through the application of thematic categorisation. The study found that fierce labour market demands and administrative malice delay the transition into the labour market of the unemployed CoLSoN. The interviews revealed intergenerational poverty transmission a distant, but potent dynamic of degenerating individual qualities among the unemployed CoLSoN for employability. The ANOVA sustained the postulation that low employability traits are not equally prevalent in all the age groups of the unemployed CoLSoN. Estimates indicate that a mere investment in the education of the unemployed CoLSoN would improve their generic employability by about 11%. The study recommends the exercise of employability as an Active Labour Market Policy to balance the demand-supply-side inconsistencies of the labour market that exclude the disadvantaged from participating therein. The study further recommends the reinforcement of institutional audit procedures to control the inaptness of intentional administrative barriers to the labour market participation of the CoLSoN. The study also recommends the granting of fiscal incentives to the private sector for a speedy absorption of the CoLSoN into the labour market. That way, the low employment prospects among the unemployed CoLSoN would contract. Their employability for labour market participation would augment, invigorating them to take charge of their lives and curb poverty transmission to the next generations.

Magister Commercii - MCom / The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 marked the first step towards the partition of Africa. After this date, Europeans began to colonize the continent. Colonialism was an economic enterprise which was meant to boost the economy of the colonizers. Both South Africa and Southern Rhodesia (today known as Zimbabwe) were colonised by the British. This study examines the legacy of colonialism in these two countries. It looks at the impact of colonialism on how liberation movements such as the African National Congress (ANC) and the Zimbabwean African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have led their respective countries since independence. The specific purpose of this comparative study is to examine the causal factors that have contributed to the failures of African liberation movements in terms leadership and governance since independence.

On a scale of 1 to 10… 10 being the worst is an exhibition of sculpture that attempts to visualize the struggle, anxiety, and pain that occurs when your body lets you down during the process of making. Daily chronic pain places limitations on the work that I am able to create. The work in this exhibition not only depicts those limitations, but also expresses the anxiety that takes place while making it. To accomplish this there are several objects that allegorically reference bodies. These bodies are placed in various states of struggle and tension. Ready-made objects are incorporated alongside these bodies to provide a real world context of labor for the sculptures, and also to change the way that the viewer navigates and experiences the space.

No / Bakhtin's dialogism is widely used to understand the mutual constitution of self and other in action. In this article, however, I argue that there is a second hinge to Bakhtin's work that is currently underemphasized in the literature. This is his emphasis on the sense of action that accompanies dialogue. Bakhtin refers to action as sensed as 'spirit'. In contrast, he refers to action relating to the other as 'soul'. In this article, I outline these distinctions in Bakhtin's thought before arguing that there is sometimes an intriguing and imaginative struggle between spirit and soul in dialogue. In this struggle, the distinctions between fantasy and reality can become blurred as the self risks potentially life-changing encounters with genuine others. The implications that this has for research practice in socio-cultural psychology are drawn out. In particular, I argue that the 'spirit-soul' distinction introduces a humanistic and optimistic view of the self-other relationship into cultural psychology.

Em 2003 foi promulgada a Lei nº 10.639, que incluiu a obrigatoriedade do ensino da História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Africana nas escolas brasileiras. Com o objetivo de orientar a implementação da educação das relações étnico-raciais e da Lei nº 10.639/03, foram elaboradas diretrizes curriculares nacionais e outras instruções legais, que estabeleceram atribuições de apoio ao processo de implementação aos "Núcleos de Estudos Afrobrasileiros" (NEABs) das universidades brasileiras. A Lei nº 10.639/03 e as diretrizes elaboradas em consequência dessa apresentam um caráter de ação afirmativa, pois visam a valorização da identidade, memória e cultura negras, reivindicadas historicamente pelo movimento negro e organizações sociais solidárias a esse. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo de caso que descreve a atuação do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos (NEAB) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). A pesquisa que forneceu os dados para a dissertação teve como objetivo realizar uma análise do NEAB/UFRGS, considerando-o a partir das suas atribuições previstas na legislação educacional e também como instância político-institucional de luta por reconhecimento e promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro brasileiro. O estudo realizado tem como referência metodológica a teoria de Robert K. Yin. Os dados coletados na pesquisa são provenientes de diferentes fontes de informação: documentos legais que dão sustentação à existência do núcleo, documentos produzidos pelo núcleo na universidade ou referentes a sua atuação; além de entrevistas realizadas com membros fundadores do NEAB. A análise dos dados foi realizada através de três categorias, que permitem visualizar as características da luta pelo reconhecimento no processo de implementação de políticas de promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro na universidade. A primeira categoria de análise é a "luta por reconhecimento", construída com base na elaboração teórica de Axel Honneth. A segunda categoria é "lócus de luta por reconhecimento", elaborada a partir das perspectivas teóricas de Axel Honneth e Pierre Bourdieu, e considera o NEAB como um local e posição de luta pelo reconhecimento do povo negro e suas demandas históricas. E a terceira categoria de análise é o "racismo institucional", que dialoga com estudos desenvolvidos por Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos e que permite analisar práticas institucionais que obstaculizam a promoção da igualdade racial. O estudo mostra que há avanços em relação ao debate étnico-racial, principalmente através de ações de extensão universitária, e que novas propostas nas áreas de ensino e pesquisa estão sendo pensadas e implementadas pelo NEAB. Fica evidenciado o compromisso e o esforço dos membros do NEAB e do Departamento de Educação e Desenvolvimento Social (DEDS), que atuou como correlato ao NEAB, por meio de um programa de promoção da igualdade racial. A dissertação demonstra que há uma variedade de obstáculos que precisam ser superados no processo de implementação das atribuições previstas na legislação educacional para o NEAB. Esses obstáculos caracterizam os limites institucionais atuais no contexto do NEAB e da UFRGS e precisam ser entendidos na relação com o racismo que caracteriza a sociedade brasileira. / In 2003, the Law No. 10639/03 was enacted, which included the obligatory teaching of Afro- Brazilian and African History and Culture in the Brazilian schools. In order to guide the implementation of the education of ethnic-racial relations and of the Law No. 10.639/03, national curricular guidelines and other legal instructions were elaborated and they defined attributions of support to the process of implementation for the African Brazilian Study Groups (NEABs ) of the Brazilian universities. The Law No. 10.639/03 and the guidelines draw from it have an affirmative action character, since they are aimed at the valorization of black identity, memory and culture, historically claimed by the black movement and social organizations that are in solidarity with it. This dissertation presents a case study that describes the acting of the Nucleus of Afro-Brazilian, Indigenous and African Studies (“Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos” - NEAB) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). The research that provided the data for the dissertation had the objective of conducting an analysis of the NEAB/UFRGS, considering its duties under educational legislation and its role as a political-institutional instance of the struggle for recognition and promotion of racial equality for the Brazilian black people. The study carried out has as methodological reference the theory of Robert K. Yin. The data collected in the research come from different sources of information: legal documents that give support to the existence of the nucleus; documents produced by the nucleus inside the university or related to its actions; in addition to interviews with founding members of the NEAB. The analysis of the data is carried out through three categories which allow to visualize the characteristics of the struggle for recognition in the process of implementing policies to promote racial equality for Afro-Brazilians in the university. The first category of analysis is the "struggle for recognition" that is built on the basis of the theoretical elaboration of Axel Honneth. The second category of analysis is "locus of struggle for recognition" that is elaborated from the theoretical perspectives of Axel Honneth and Pierre Bourdieu. It considers NEAB as a place and position of struggle for the recognition of the Afro-Brazilian people and their historical demands. And the third category of analysis is the "institutional racism" that dialogues with the studies developed by Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos. It allows analyzing institutional practices that hinder the promotion of racial equality. The study shows that there are advances in the ethnic-racial debate, mainly through university extension actions and that new proposals in the areas of teaching and research are being considered and implemented by the NEAB. It is evident the commitment and the efforts of the members of NEAB and of the Department of Education and Social Development (DEDS), which acted as similar to the NEAB through a program to promote racial equality. The dissertation demonstrates that there are a variety of obstacles that need to be overcomed in the process of implementing the duties assigned to the NEABs by the educational legislation. These obstacles characterize the current institutional limits in the context of NEAB and UFRGS and they must be understood in relation to the racism that characterizes Brazilian society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5398.pdf: 35686005 bytes, checksum: b4c0636a93b35b98ca96bda9a7da8f51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-22 / Disaster is a current and complex subject. The most common way in which this subject has been interpreted and widely advertised presents it with underlying objective and unique aspects in the social imaginary. This approach is supported primarily on discursive strategies and practices produced by a specific rationality than can be found in some institutions (and their representatives) who has the power to present a definition and promote intervention in the phenomenon that is disaster authorities . However there are evidences pointing out that disaster is not consolidated into a single representation. Instead it represents a force field made by multiple agents and interpretations, developed through different positions and rationalities, expressing tensions, disputes and classification struggle. Identify and discuss this particular field through sociological analysis noticing those institutionally situated actors and those who compose social groups that are directly affected is the main purpose of this work a qualitative research with the following methodological procedures: a literature review in Sociology and related areas, documentary collection and analysis, in-depth interviews. This thesis highlights the disaster in the city of Teresópolis/RJ as an important example of classification struggle and gets us close to vulnerability and abandonment processes concerning some specific social groups. It reveals power relations where there is an attempt at imposing monophonically scientific and technical knowledge to the detriment of popular culture which comes from life courses, in place experiences and past relation with threatening factors in an effort to attest diversity failure. However, multiple expressions of resilience among people affected by disaster are evidence of both the attempt to prevent them from speaking and the acknowledgement of a struggle in order to make their voices heard so that they become real participants in this political game and guarantee their condition as subjects of rights. / Desastre é um tema atual e complexo. A forma predominante como vem sendo interpretado e publicizado o projeta envolto por uma aparente objetividade e unicidade no imaginário social. Esta forma se encontra respaldada fundamentalmente nas estratégias discursivas e práticas geradas por uma racionalidade específica que está nas instituições (e seus representantes) a quem é delegado o poder de denominar e intervir sobre o fenômeno ou seja, as autoridades em desastres . Porém, há indícios de que o desastre não é feito de uma única representação, mas constitui um campo de forças formado por múltiplos agentes e interpretações, originados de posições e racionalidades diversas, expressando tensões, disputas e a luta pela sua classificação. Identificar e problematizar esse campo, à luz da análise sociológica observando aqueles agentes institucionalmente situados e os que constituem os grupos sociais diretamente afetados -, é o objetivo que norteia este trabalho - uma investigação de base qualitativa que se utilizou dos seguintes procedimentos metodológicos como referência: revisão bibliográfica atinente à Sociologia e áreas afins, levantamento e análise documentais e entrevistas em profundidade. A presente tese traz o desastre em desenvolvimento no município de Teresópolis/RJ como um exemplo relevante da luta pela sua classificação e nos aproxima de processos de vulnerabilização e abandono envolvendo grupos sociais específicos. Revela jogos de poder , onde há a tentativa de imposição monofônica do conhecimento científico e técnico em detrimento dos saberes populares, advindos das trajetórias de vida, experiências no lugar e da relação pretérita com fatores de ameaça num esforço de ver a diversidade sucumbir. No entanto, as múltiplas expressões de resistência dos afetados nos desastres denunciam, não só a tentativa de silenciar a sua vocalização, como também a existência de uma luta para que sejam centralmente ouvidos e se tornem partícipes nesse jogo político, sendo resguardados na sua condição de sujeitos de direitos.