Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Candido.pdf: 2331061 bytes, checksum: 5872d8aff76d3e85322bdad0113a98a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of this research is to evaluate the values and possibilities of the alliance preached on Deuteronomy. For that, I try to capture the necessary tension of any kind of alliance. First, I do this exercise in the field of hermeneutics suggesting an aggregate reading of different subaltern struggles within the libertarian interpretation (feminist, queer and postcolonial). Meanwhile, I forged the concept of an organic exegete , namely, an interpreter who articulates dissident voices to confront the systemic structures of subordination. After this theoretical proposition, I evaluate Deuteronomy as joined speeches in the form of an archive. The main suggestion is that the Deuteronomic texts were collected or produced toward an ideal of berit covenant . This ideal comes from the material that is now present in 4,44-26+28: an atavistic communitarian contract with Yhwh. This result is made possible by critical rhetoric applied to the text and its propagandistic interests from the very place of origin of the archive. After an honest comparison with the treaties of the Ancient Near East we could not longer deny the intrinsic pedagogy of obedience to the contract. I often call it the collusion of the holy people . However, the rhetorical criticism did not refer only to the reification of this ideal of berit. Rather, it points to the internal debate in the community: a rhetorical contract, after all, contains within itself silenced memories for the effectiveness of its propaganda. Therefore, I search for collisions of memories especially within the prohibitive pericopes of the contract. All Deuteronomic trash, as it were, is marked by two basic formulas: ki to abat yhvh because it is an abomination to Yhwh and u-bi arta ha-ra mi-qirbeka destroy the per/verted from within you . I devote myself to the texts checked by these formulas to propose an episodic unification of abominable and per/verted ones. So, I evaluate the particularity of each struggle to encourage a subaltern agenda that promotes the social justice of recognition and redistribution. The abominable and per/verted alliance intra-Deuteronomy proposes a radically democratic communitarian ethos (i) in favor of an open culture to the Other and (ii) against authoritarian pyramidal structures. Therefore, I note that this dual tactics places the imperial values of hierarchy and subtraction of the Deuteronomic brotherhood in the communitys debate. / O objetivo central desta pesquisa é avaliar os valores e possibilidades da aliança pregada no Deuteronômio. Para tanto, procuro captar a necessária tensão de qualquer tipo de aliança. Faço esse exercício, primeiramente, no próprio campo da hermenêutica. Sugiro uma leitura subalterna que agregue diferentes lutas no interior das interpretações libertárias (feminista, queer e pós-colonial). Nesse ínterim, forjo o trabalho do exegeta orgânico , a saber, aquele intérprete que articula vozes dissidentes para fazer frente às estruturas sistêmicas de subordinação. Após essa proposição teórica, avalio o Deuteronômio enquanto discursos concatenados em forma de arquivo. A principal sugestão é de que os textos deuteronômicos foram coletados ou produzidos em prol de um ideal de berit aliança . Esse ideal origina-se do material agora disposto em 4,44-26+28: um contrato comunitário atávico com Yhvh. Esse resultado é possibilitado pela crítica retórica ao texto e seus interesses propagandísticos desde o nascedouro arquivístico. Após uma comparação honesta com os tratados do Antigo Oriente Próximo, não se pode mais negar a pedagogia da obediência intrínseca ao contrato. A isso chamo, muitas vezes, de colusão do povo santo . A crítica retórica, entretanto, não encaminha apenas uma reificação desse ideal de berit, ao apontar, antes, para o debate interno da comunidade. Um contrato retórico, afinal, guarda em si, memórias silenciadas para que a propaganda se efetive. Nesse momento é que busco colisões de memórias, em especial, dentro das perícopes proibitivas do contrato. Todo o lixo deuteronômico, por assim dizer, está assinalado por duas fórmulas básicas: ki to abat yhvh eis uma abominação para Yhvh e ubi arta ha-ra mi-qirbeka exterminarás o per/vertido do teu meio . Dedico-me aos textos marcados por essas fórmulas, ao fomentar uma episódica unificação de abomináveis e per/vertidos . Avalio a luta particular de cada um/a, para então, propor uma agenda subalterna que promova a justiça social por reconhecimento e redistribuição. A aliança abominável e per/vertida intra-Deuteronômio apresenta uma proposta radicalmente democrática (i) em favor de uma cultura aberta ao Outro e (ii) contra estruturas autoritárias piramidais. Assinalo, portanto, que com essa dupla tática, os valores imperiais de hierarquização e subtração da irmandade deuteronômica são retoricamente postos em debate na comunidade.

Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades. / Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.

Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, une coalition d'un corps expéditionnaire militaire franco-britannique se partage le protectorat allemand d'Afrique centrale : l'actuel Cameroun. Des années 1920 aux années 1950, la domination franco-britannique aggrave les injustices liées à l'organisation hiérarchisée de la société Bamiléké. Lesdites injustices favorisent la naissance du syndicalisme suivi de celle du nationalisme. Les nationalistes réclament l'unification et l'indépendance du Cameroun britannique et du Cameroun français. L'historiographie de ce processus de décolonisation s'est surtout penchée sur le rôle et le sort des élites pro-françaises et des leadeurs du comité directeur du parti nationaliste. L'objectif de cette thèse est de connecter l'histoire de cette élite et celle des subalternes Bamiléké, particulièrement oubliés, en démontrant que certains jouèrent des rôles déterminants dans la création, l'implantation et l'animation des syndicats et du parti nationaliste, tout comme dans le sabotage des activités desdites organisations. Par l'approche de l'« histoire d'en bas », nous explorons les cas d'injustices, de résistances passives ou d'accommodements des subalternes des sociétés hiérarchisées Bamiléké sous ladite domination. Nous revisitons l'accommodement des indicateurs de police et des agents provocateurs. Cette approche a pour but d'élucider la transition de la résistance passive à l'insurrection en juin 1956 afin de mieux comprendre l'éruption de violence dans la région Bamiléké lors de la décolonisation. -- During the First World War, a Coalition of a Franco-British military expeditionary forces shared the German protectorate in Central Africa: Present-day Cameroon. From the 1920s to the 1950s, Franco-British domination increased the injustices associated with the already hierarchical organization of Bamileke society. These injustices led to the emergence of unions, followed by nationalism. The nationalists demanded the unification and independence of British and French Cameroon. This decolonization process historiography has focused on the role and fate of the pro-French elites (chiefs, notables, and colonial intermediaries) and the leaders of the nationalist party's steering committee. The objective of this thesis is to connect the history of this elite with the history of the African subalterns, notably the Bamileke, who have so far been at the historiographical margins of histories of Cameroon's decolonization, by demonstrating how some of them played determining roles in the creation, implementation and animation of the trade unions and the nationalist party, as well as in the sabotage of these organizations' activities. Using a "history from below" approach, I explore cases of injustice, passive resistance, or accommodation of the subalterns within Bamileke hierarchical societies under French domination. I revisit Police informant and agent provocateur collaboration. I adopt this method to elucidate the transition from passive resistance to insurrection in June 1956 to better understand the eruption of violence in the Bamileke region during decolonization.